Today's Topics:
1. Greece, APO, Land & Freedom: A short chronicle and an
analysis of the events of April 21, 1967 [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
analysis of the events of April 21, 1967 [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, APO, Land & Freedom: Athens, Monastiraki
21/4, 18.00
- Gathering and solidarity with the anarchist fighter -
- Gathering and solidarity with the anarchist fighter -
march for
Vangelis Stathopoulos
Vangelis Stathopoulos
[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. UK, ACG: The Monarchy, the State and The wall to wall
coverage of the death of Prince Philip (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
coverage of the death of Prince Philip (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra - VII May 1st Soiree (ca,
de, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
de, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. [Russia] A commemorative event dedicated to the 100th
anniversary of Kropotkin's death will be held in Dmitrov
anniversary of Kropotkin's death will be held in Dmitrov
By ANA
(pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Perú Libertario: Alan García or the suicidal contempt for
justice and truth (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
justice and truth (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. France, UCL AL #315 - Digital, Technopolice: let's ban mass
biometric surveillance (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
biometric surveillance (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Greece, APO, Land & Freedom: [Athens, Court of Appeals]
Rally of solidarity with the anarchist fighter Vangelis
Stathopoulos [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
The historical memory of the peoples is rapidly fading and the greatest horrors
find an alibi to return to the surface. They may be somewhat camouflaged or even
clearly state their historical origins, but their essence remains the same. ----
text of the Libertatia occupation from 2017 * ---- APRIL 21: WHY THE STRUGGLE
AGAINST FASCISM IS A STRUGGLE OF MEMORY AGAINST FORGOTTEN ---- The historical
memory of the peoples is rapidly fading and the greatest horrors find an alibi to
return to the surface. They may be somewhat camouflaged or even clearly state
their historical origins, but their essence remains the same. ---- So in Greece,
now that the extreme right and fascism have raised their heads again, they are
trying to rewrite history. Of course, they have been saying what they have been
saying for many years now, but most of today's anti-fascist movement was just
ostriches thinking they did not exist, as some continue to do today believing
that a trial can solve the problem of fascist repercussions.
One of the sub-counterfeiting efforts of the story is the attitude to the events
of 21 thApril 1967, namely the imposition of the dictatorship of the colonels. We
in turn will try to capture a small chronicle and an analysis of the events that
led there, what happened during the dictatorship and how its fall and the "smooth
democratic transition" occurred.
The political situation before the dictatorship and the expansion of the parastate
First of all, the junta did not come out of nowhere. Already since the end of
World War II and the negotiations for the "sharing of the pie" it seemed that
Greece has an important geopolitical role for the western camp, as it is a
bulwark at the exit of the communist bloc to the Mediterranean. So on the one
hand the communists should not have prevailed and on the other hand both the
respective governments had to be financed to develop the country's economy and
the various anti-communists (liberals, rightists, mainly fascists and dossiers)
to eliminate the danger of communism. Thus, a massive parastate is created, which
assists the police forces in their noble work and, of course, receives large
salaries from foreign secret services, mainly American, of course.
During 1965, then, and after the period of the "right-wing state" (1955-1963) and
events such as the "elections of violence and fraud" (1961) and the assassination
of Lambraki (1963), the Union of the Center was in power. The danger of
strengthening communism seemed visible to the bourgeois forces, the parastate and
its bosses (palace, USA, NATO), as militant trade union and student forces grew
stronger. The ruling party should not lose strength to the left, but instead work
with the right once again to stop the "communist threat." That is why the
so-called "apostasy" takes place, a movement led by the palace with K. Mitsotakis
being one of the main protagonists. Of course,toJuly, which commanded to attack
the demonstrators, resulting in a dead (Sotiris Petroulas), 200 injured and 250
arrested. There was, however, an alternative plan in case the apostasy did not go
well: a coup d'etat of generals loyal to the palace for nine months, which would
be "constitutionally guaranteed"!
The US Secretary of State, their ambassador to Athens, and NATO are pushing for a
royal coup, but the CIA wants a (already formed) colonel junta to control it, a
tactic it has already successfully implemented in Latin American countries. .
While the royal junta is constantly postponing its plan (elections had already
been called for May 1967 and while one interim government was falling in the
meantime), the junta of the colonels is informed - through the commander of the
3rd Army Corps of Thessaloniki Zoitakis - the NATO-approved plan of the first and
decides to act. The parastate has grown so much that it is gaining power.
Besides, many juntas had served successfully in the Security Battalions in the
past, among them Papadopoulos.
The coup of 21 thApril
The coup took place on Friday, April 21, 1967, with American tanks taking to the
streets of Athens and 10,000 people being arrested that first night. It will last
7 years. The left, of course, from the first moment revolts against the junta.
The resistance is nevertheless spasmodic and not well organized, with the most
important examples being the failed - for 2 seconds - attempt of Panagoulis to
kill Papadopoulos, but also the Karagiorgas group that carried out a number of
bombings. There were many who "resisted" from abroad either to save themselves or
to wash away their political past and return to the political scene more
violently, with some exceptions of course. Many people, however, remain
disengaged at first, despite their dissatisfaction, something that can be seen
from the crowds that gathered at the funeral of G. Papandreou in November 1968
and turned it into a real demonstration. Of course the resistance brings victims,
but also people who were brutally tortured. Among the first are Giannis
Chalkidis, a member of PAM, who was assassinated here in our city, the EDA MP
George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising, as well as
countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know ( 88 are the
officially counted dead during the seven years according to the Progressive
Association of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are Alekos
Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled. Of course the resistance
brings victims, but also people who were brutally tortured. Among the first are
Giannis Chalkidis, a member of PAM, who was assassinated here in our city, the
EDA MP George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising, as well as
countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know ( 88 are the
officially counted dead during the seven years according to the Progressive
Association of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are Alekos
Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled. Of course the resistance
brings victims, but also people who were brutally tortured. Among the first are
Giannis Chalkidis, a member of PAM, who was assassinated here in our city, EDA MP
George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising, as well as
countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know ( 88 are the
officially counted dead during the seven years according to the Progressive
Association of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are Alekos
Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled. EDA MP George Tsarouchas
and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising as well as countless other invisible
heroes whose names we will never know (88 are the officially counted dead during
the seven years according to the Progressive Union of Mothers of Greece). In the
second shocking examples are Alekos Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became
disabled. EDA MP George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising
as well as countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know (88
are the officially counted dead during the seven years according to the
Progressive Union of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are
Alekos Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled.
The myths of the far right for the period of seven years
The tales we hear from the supporters of the junta are many: that there was no
oppression, there was national sovereignty, we did not owe, there were no
scandals... For the first we have already argued, let us go to the next.
The good relationship between the junta and the US is well known. Besides, it was
financed from there. In fact, when the US Parliament votes to stop military aid
to Greece, the Senate rejects the Parliament's proposal. But newspapers, such as
the Times, openly support the junta until they change their minds, as there is a
dichotomy between the State Department that wants Karamanlis and the Pentagon
(the ministry of national defense) that Papadopoulos wants. "Democratic" Europe,
on the other hand, decided only at the end of 1969 that dictatorial Greece did
not belong to it. In addition, the conclusion of the Subcommittee on Human Rights
on torture, political prisoners and more was published.
Another big myth is about the "economic achievements" of the dictatorship.
Indicatively we will mention that not only the public debt increased from 38.7
billion drachmas in December 1967 to 87.5 billion drachmas in January 1973, but
also that the trade deficit in 1973 was five times bigger than in 1968. Also , in
the agricultural sector, which employed 44% of the economically active
population, instead of the five-year growth forecast of 5.2%, the rural economy
grew by only 1.8% in the period 1967-1974, as opposed to 4, 2% during the period
1963-1966. Agricultural exports fell from 63% of total exports in 1968 to 48% in
1972. The result was that per capita agricultural income fell from 55% to 43% of
the average national per capita income. And all this while the immigration that
was expelling the surplus labor force had stopped. At the same time, all kinds of
foreign and local capital were rewarded, with the result that the rich became
richer (the sequel is known...).
And so we get to the scandals. From the contracts with Litton, MacDonald, Tom
Pappas and Siemens, where out of a budget of 450 million, 400 were eaten, in the
scandal with the "Balopoulos meat" and as the American weapons destined for
Greece and the juntas sold them in Africa . And of course with the family rule
reigning with the "settlements" of Pattakos's grooms, Papadopoulos brothers and
the coup plotters themselves who "legislated" the doubling of their salaries.
Dictatorship, as we mentioned before, was a temporary solution. It was the
transition from the right of 1963 to the right of 1974. Besides, she comes from
there and acts on her own account. They are residents in the same building as it
is known. From the traditional right-wing state of dosilogos, therefore, which
absorbed and assimilated all the traitors of the occupation and whose
dictatorship was the leading manifestation in Karamanlis' post-1974 Greece, which
now appears as a savior who will restore normalcy and democracy . And while his
junta paved the way for power, all he did was turn the death penalty into life
imprisonment. Everything and everything had to be observed and the pretexts!
The 1973 uprising
And while the junta is gradually rotting, it comes in 1973 to shake the waters.
As early as February and March, the universities are "boiling", with the militant
protests that take place in many schools of the country, especially Law. Shortly
afterwards, on November 14, 1973, the occupation of the Polytechnic began to end
with a lot of blood and many dead at 17 with the invasion of tanks.
Another myth spread by the fascists today is that there were no dead at the
Polytechnic. We will once again speak with facts: The first official registration
of the dead of the Polytechnic was made in October 1974 by the prosecutor
Dimitris Tsevas, whose conclusion spoke of 18 "fully confirmed" dead and another
16 "substantially arising". Since then, many have spoken out about the issue,
either raising or lowering the death toll. In 2002, however, he launched the
National Research Foundation, an investigation that aimed to clarify the facts of
the Polytechnic, gathering evidence and testimonies. According to this multi-year
investigation (entitled "Documenting the events of November 1973"), it appears
that the identified and fully confirmed dead of the uprising are 24, while
another 30 cases are being investigated. Most of them are students. Also,
according to the same research, the confirmed injured of the three days amount to
1,103, but to which must be added "an unidentified number of other citizens", who
"either doctors, or a nursing home, or no one sought refuge, obviously afraid
unpleasant developments for them or their families ", as Tsevas
characteristically states in the 1974 report. Other interesting facts are the
following: there were 5,000 protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the
immediate perimeter and 100,000 in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000
rounds of ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of
ammunition and soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition. The confirmed number of
injured for the three days is 1,103, but to which must be added "an unidentified
number of other citizens", who "either doctors, or a nursing home, or no one
sought refuge, obviously afraid of their families or developments ", as Tsevas
characteristically mentions in the 1974 report. Other interesting facts are the
following: there were 5,000 protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the
immediate perimeter and 100,000 in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000
rounds of ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of
ammunition and soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition. The confirmed number of
injured people for the three days is 1,103, but to which must be added "an
unidentified number of other citizens", who "either doctors, or a nursing home,
or no one sought refuge, fearing obviously unpleasant for them or their
families." developments ", as Tsevas characteristically mentions in the
conclusion of 1974. Other interesting facts are the following: there were 5,000
protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the immediate perimeter and 100,000
in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000 rounds of ammunition, the
Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of ammunition and soldiers 300,000
rounds of ammunition. "or no one sought refuge, fearing obviously unpleasant
developments for them or their families", as Tsevas characteristically states in
the 1974 report. in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000 rounds of
ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of ammunition and
soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition. "or no one sought refuge, fearing
obviously unpleasant developments for them or their families", as Tsevas
characteristically states in the 1974 report. Other interesting facts are the
following: there were 5,000 protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the
immediate perimeter and 100,000 in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000
rounds of ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of
ammunition and soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition.
To these we should add the extreme right-wing gangs that contributed to their
work, such as: " Elias Tsapouras(a close associate of Michaloliakos)and other
undisclosed operatives deliberately expelled Vassilios Famelon at the same place
and time and Toril Engeland, who fired at them with machine guns and rifles, from
the roof of the building housing the Ministry of Public Order, and struck by
bullets at Basil Famellos in the right eye as a result of which he acted as a
victim. Toril Engeland died on the anterior thoracic wall, resulting in a blind
chest injury from which her only active cause was death. (Board of Appeal) . "
The overthrow of Papadopoulos, the rise of Ioannidis and the events in Cyprus
Immediately after the events of the Polytechnic, the Karamanli generals Gizikis
and Bonanos overthrow Papadopoulos, who had already compromised with the
Karamanlis solution, but not Ioannidis who overthrew the two generals on November
25 to block the plan. to stay in power until the coup of EOKA B against Makarios
in Cyprus on July 15, 1974.
The last act, then, takes place in Cyprus with the overthrow of Makarios, the
subsequent Turkish invasion and the eventual division of the island. These are
the moments when the nationalist far right is showing its patriotism. And this is
how the famous "seven years" end on July 23, 1974. The next day, Karamanlis
arrives as a liberator to "restore democracy" and the so-called period of "change
of government" begins.
Of course, the "droplets" continued to exist just fine, while if there was a real
"decontamination" the right could not find executives for its subsequent
democratic course. After all, the junta came from there, while the far right was
mainly integrated in the camp of the "nationalists" throughout the period
1946-1967. Later, although she followed her own course, she continued the
quarrels with the ruling party of the right-wing political spectrum, which reach
to this day with the Baltakou-Kasidiari talks, the statements about a "serious
Golden Dawn" and many other examples.
In any case, the historical role of the far right, whether it is called fascism
or Nazism, whether it is wearing the junta's military uniform or the hood of the
dossier, is one: to act as a reserve for the system when it enters difficult
historical times and the "extreme solutions" for the rescue of the capitalist and
bourgeois democratic system.
For our part, we will be there to remind her of her role in this place, but also
in the whole earth, and to stop her both on the road and on a theoretical level,
when she tries to falsify and rewrite history. . Because historical memory is a
weapon in the hands of the oppressed and the movements and will always be
directed against those who try to distort it.
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/istoria/366-ena-mikro-xroniko-kai-mia-analysi-ton-gegonoton-tis-21is-apriliou-1967
------------------------------
Message: 2
The anarchist Vangelis Stathopoulos has been in custody since November 8, 2019
and these days his trial is being held in the first instance. He was arrested by
the anti-terrorist service after an anonymous phone call and was orchestrated by
the media and the usual media trial and interrogation. The charges against him
concern robbery and participation in the organization "revolutionary
self-defense. He was arrested and detained although there is no evidence linking
him to the case. ---- He, from the first moment of his arrest, denies the
accusations leveled against him and tries to highlight the vengeful nature of his
treatment by the authorities. Both in terms of the charges against him and his
unjust pre-trial detention as well as his transfer to the prisons of Larissa, the
key reason was the political identity of V. Stathopoulos, the fact that he was
and is an anarchist. After all, he is known both to the anarchist movement and to
the authorities for his long participation in the struggles where he did not stop
fighting against the barbarity of power even from within the cells. More
specifically, during his detention in the prisons of Larissa - and while he
belongs to a vulnerable group and tested positive for the coronavirus - he fought
for the rights of all detainees for decent living conditions. He fought, that is,
to put an end to the exemption regime imposed on prisoners even in the midst of a
pandemic. In addition, he went on a hunger strike in solidarity with the struggle
of D. Koufontinas for the transfer of the latter to Korydallos prison.
The arrest and detention of V. Stathopoulos demonstrates the vindictive practice
and nature of the prosecution mechanisms - something that was also reflected in
the prosecutor's proposal -, the logic of prosecuting the usual suspects, the
criminalization of solidarity and is part of the overall law and order that in
turn serves the overall restructuring of the state-capitalist system. The
government is wrong to think that with the retaliatory persecution of activists,
the ban on demonstrations, the brutal beatings and arrests in demonstrations, the
televisions of those arrested by the media bully, the restriction of rights, the
criminalization of the to silence the law of those who fight for a world of
equality, freedom, solidarity.
IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF ANARCHIST VANGELIS STATHOPOULOS
NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
Wednesday 21/4, 18:00 gathering in Monastiraki and solidarity march
Friday 23/04, 9:00 gathering at the Court of Appeals, day of the trial decision
Local coordination of Athens of APO-OS
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/agones/364-monastiraki-21-4-18-00-sygkentrosi-kai-poreia-allileggyis-ston-v-stathopoulo
------------------------------
Message: 3
It highlighted the role that the royal family plays in the maintenance of the
system. ---- Over 110,000 people lodged protests with the BBC over its grovelling
coverage, before its Director General Tim Davie, a supporter of the Conservative
Party, ordered the complaint form to be taken down, to avoid further
embarrassment as the figures rose. ---- Boris Johnson underlined the key role
that the monarchy plays in maintaining the status quo and as an adhesive in
preserving the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth, praising Philip in suitably
sycophantic style: "Like the expert carriage driver that he was, he helped to
steer the royal family and the monarchy so that it remains an institution
indisputably vital to the balance and happiness of our national life." This view
was echoed by the leader of the Labour Party, Keir Starmer and Jeremy Corbyn.
Starmer was to say "The United Kingdom has lost an extraordinary public servant
in Prince Philip". Meanwhile the Trades Union Congress (TUC) tweeted "The UK's
trade union movement sends our condolences to the queen and the royal family on
the death of the duke of Edinburgh." Some "left" Labour MPs, who have made a show
of their republicanism in the past, were also eager to grovel, as were the
leaders of the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru. Both Sian Berry, present
leader of the Green Party, and Caroline Lucas, its former leader praised Philip,
a notorious killer of creatures, both big game like tigers and smaller creatures
like grouse and pheasants, over his concern for the environment and the World
Wildlife Fund.
Philip's well-publicised racism and sexism were portrayed by the media as lovable
quirks, the Sunday Times stating: "Prince Philip was the longest-serving royal
consort in British history - an often crotchety figure, offending people with
gaffes about slitty eyes, even if secretly we rather enjoyed them." This referred
to comments he had made about British students studying Mandarin in China.
The "We" used by the Sunday Times illustrates the peddling of the One Nation idea
as a uniform, confirming mass. Responding to this legitimisation of racism, a
group of east Asian journalists responded in a statement signed by 17,000 that
"Portraying the nation as a collective ‘we' that ‘secretly' enjoys racist and
derogatory slurs at the expense of ethnic groups is insensitive at best, and
encouraging racist violence at worst".
The over the top coverage of Philip's death marks a cranking up of an ideological
war against any sign of rebellion or dissent. Witness the horror of the
establishment at the toppling of statues in last summer's Black Lives Matters
protests. It responds with attempts to control the school curriculum even
tighter, by praising the "benefits" of the British Empire.
Against this culture war the so called "left" has been spectacularly spineless,
rolling over to have its tummy tickled if it keeps quiet about the monarchy,
about the racist heritage of Britain and about police brutality.
Philip comes from a family which ruled Greece. The Greek population decided they
did not want a monarchy anymore. His sisters all married top German Nazis and
Philip's own contempt for the masses was sometimes revealed as witness his
remarks when he visited the dictator of Paraguay, where he said that it was a
pleasure to visit a country not ruled by its people.
Philip's funeral attracted 13 million viewers. The future death of Elisabeth will
be used to drum up another frenzy of brown nosing. Calls for the abolition of the
monarchy and a consistent campaign to expose it as an essential tool used by the
ruling class in this country to preserve the status quo are imperative. Despite
the "We" used by the establishment, it can be seen that there are considerable
numbers opposed to the monarchy, as witnessed by the 110,000 complaints to the
BBC and the crash in viewing figures for ITV of 60% with significant falls in
viewing of other channels during the carpet coverage.e BBC
anarchistcommunism.org/2021/04/25/the-monarchy-the-state-and-the-bbc
------------------------------
Message: 4
Once again the Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra will remember the date of the
First of May as a day of struggle for women and men workers at the VII Sarau
First of May: Health and Decent Life. ---- This year we will not have our
traditional soiree in person, due to the pandemic, so we chose to make a video
with the participation of people and groups that are close to us in social
struggles. ---- The theme will be about the importance of the struggle for
health, but we are also celebrating the 150th anniversary of the Paris Commune as
a great source of inspiration for an experience of popular self-government! ----
Despite all this context that we are living in, we believe that art can be
inspiring to strengthen our hearts and keep on fighting.
We will be happy with your participation!
Long live May Day!
May Day of struggle and solidarity!
Popular revolt to take the riches!
Tagged: 1st of May , online , soiree , soiree May 1 , health , dignified health
https://www.cabn.libertar.org/vii-sarau-1o-de-maio/
------------------------------
Message: 5
February 8, 2021 marks the 100th anniversary of the death of Pyotr Alekseevich
Kropotkin, the great anarchist, scientist, revolutionary, philosopher. During
this time, many researchers assessed Kropotkin's contribution to various fields
of science related to the study of the Earth, presented his doctrine of the
future community of free and equal people living according to his principles, his
interpretation of the October Revolution and inevitably those events subsequent
ones. ---- Realizing that far from everything that has been said about Kropotkin,
that his legacy continues to arouse great interest, the Museum-Reserve Dmitrov
Kremlin is carrying out a commemorative act on April 23, 2021 in the city where
he spent his last years of life.
Within the scope of the event, it is planned:
* International Scientific Conference "Look at the Earth as a Living Whole".
* Excursion to the Kropotkin sites in the city of Dmitrov, with flowers placed in
the monument to PA Kropotkin.
* Tour of the exhibition of the house PA Kropotkin "Dmitrov period of the life of
PA Kropotkin".
Applications for participation as listeners are accepted until 20/04/2021 at the
email address:kropotkin@dmmuseum.ru
dmmuseum.ru
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Message: 6
There are many angles from which to approach the suicide of former Peruvian
president Alan García Pérez, but we are interested in the crux of the affair in
the making, which has a political background and its immediate impact on the
reconfiguration of national and even regional tasks. To contextualize the fatal
outcome, it should be noted that it was given to avoid complying with the
preliminary arrest order imposed after the Special Team for the Lava Jato Case
accused García as the leader of a criminal organization that committed the crimes
of money laundering. bribery and aggravated collusion to favor the Brazilian
construction company Odebrecht in the award of the Metro de Lima and the South
Interoceanic Highway, during his second presidential term (2006-2011).
To be more precise, the document issued by the Court Specialized in Crimes of
Organized Crime and Corruption of Officials, which collects the arguments of the
Public Ministry against García Pérez, states that: "[García]is attributed in his
capacity as President of the Republic (...) as a member of a criminal
organization, having concentrated with the representatives of Odebrecht,
specifically with the Superintendent Director in Peru, Jorge Barata, (...) to
favor[said]company ". That is, the Prosecutor's Office identified that
Odebrecht's Structured Operations Department paid US $ 4.8 million to this
alleged criminal organization by order of the former head of the construction
company in Peru, Jorge Barata, and the founder of this 'bribery division',
Hilberto Mascarenhas Da Silva. This occurred between March 2006 and October 2010,
This judicial framework is minimized and even attacked by the legal defense of
Alan García, supported by the elite of the Aprista Party, the peripheral partners
and a large part of the Peruvian right that sees what happened with some
amazement, not because of sentimental anguish but as a alert to be the next to
sit in the dock for their links with the mega-corruption of the 'Construction
Club' (Camargo Correa, Odebrecht, Andrade Gutierrez, OAS, Queiroz Galvao,
Carioca, Marquise, Serveng and Constran). And this is where the strenuous efforts
to turn the suicidal former president into a 'martyr' begins and is explained,
since his figure of the dead serves a lot in the web of manufacturing gadgets
that hinder the processes of investigation and punishment of the corrupt.
Royal martyrologies
To understand where the desire to express a crude martyrology around the recent
suicide comes from, it should be pointed out objectively that APRA did have a
past of social militancy that earned it a certain place in the history of Peru as
a mass organization with popular roots and progressive. We must remember the
heroic deed of July 7, 1932, when a group of sugarcane peons and Trujillo
students (led by Manuel Barreto, a former anarcho-syndicalist leader) stormed the
"Ricardo O'Donovan" artillery barracks. The fight lasted more than three hours,
causing numerous casualties on both sides and ending with the triumph of the
insurgents. However, the gendarmerie of the fascist government of Luis Sánchez
Cerro regained control of the city, captured the surrendered rebels to shoot
them. No judgment. The death penalty was handed down against 102 people accused
of being responsible for the uprising, although it was only applied to 42
detainees. It is estimated that the number of victims at the end of the conflict
reached approximately 5,000 civilians linked to APRA, who were extrajudicially shot.
This, which was one of the icons in Aprista historiography, is not the only case
of martyrology, because in later years and until the 1950s, Aprismo suffered
persecution, exile, jail and repression, sharing wards and cells with communist
prisoners and anarchists of those years. Despite the periods of illegalization to
which they were confined, Haya de la Torre's party knew how to sustain itself and
emerge stronger (also due to the tactical-populist alliances of its leader with
even enemy forces of his own party). The bibliography of these episodes is
abundant, so we will not stop here. But this comment is worth to understand that
Aprismo did enjoy heroic militancy when it still had lags of socialist and
libertarian cadres in its ranks,
Two governments of death and corruption
And in the particular case of Alan García, it would also be appropriate to make a
brief review of his history of complaints and mismanagement that weigh against
him. We can begin in his first government (1985-1990) with the notorious case of
the massacres at the El Frontón and San Juan de Lurigancho prisons (June 18,
1986) when political prisoners started a planned riot also in Santa Bárbara. The
García government ordered the Armed Forces to "restore order." In Lurigancho 124
inmates died; in Santa Barbara, two; and in El Frontón, 118 murdered (only 30
survived). It is worth mentioning that according to the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (CVR), the senderistas surrendered in El Frontón were shot and
executed with knives.
Then we had a scandal for which Alan García was accused of the crime of illicit
enrichment for his alleged participation in an act of corruption within the Banco
de Crédito y Comercio Internacional (BCCI). Leonel Figueroa and Héctor Neira were
accused of receiving bribes of US $ 3 million for depositing part of the reserves
of the Central Reserve Bank (BCR) to the BCCI. All this occurred while the
population suffered from hunger and despair due to the growing hyperinflation and
the devaluation of the national currency. Many workers were thrown into the streets.
Already in his second government, the signs of corruption and repression were
more clearly accentuated. Let us remember that through emergency decrees, García
Pérez managed to get the Executive to carry out several contracts without prior
tenders. One of them was destined to the construction of hospitals investigated
for alleged overvaluation of costs, since it was learned that the construction
cost US $ 23 million and then rose to US $ 535 million. It was even reported that
some hospitals were never built despite the fact that the Aprista government paid
up to 70% of the cost of the work in advance.
But the most critical points were the cases of "Narcoindultos" where García freed
drug traffickers and approved commutations of sentences conditional on financial
rewards. On the one hand, the Judicial Power condemned drug traffickers and
members of criminal gangs; on the other, Alan García released them to supposedly
"eradicate the overcrowding of prisons." Before reaching the hands of the former
president, the proposals for commutations and pardons passed through the then
Minister of Justice, Aurelio Pastor, who was later sentenced to four years in
prison for influence peddling.
And that of the 'Petroaudios' which was the biggest corruption scandal of his
second term, where it was learned that the Discover Petroleum International
company won the bid for the exploitation of five oil lots irregularly in 2008, as
revealed Through some audios where Aprista Romulo León is heard informing Alberto
Químper, former director of Peru-Petro, that Discover was willing to pay him US $
5,000 per month to help her win the contracts. Because of this, León and Quimper
were imprisoned for three years. The first of them regained his freedom for
exceeding the term for sentencing. The second was excluded from the process by
prescribing the crimes he was charged with.
Special mention should be made of the 'Baguazo' that was unleashed when the
legislative decrees promoted by Alan García provoked a brutal massacre on June 5,
2009 against indigenous inhabitants in the area called Curva del Diablo, in Bagua
(Peruvian jungle). Even the relatives of the deceased police officers criminally
denounced Alan García for manslaughter. The decrees that unleashed the violence
were intended to promote investment in the local Amazon, but the indigenous
communities warned that they flagrantly violated their rights. On the same day of
the confrontation in Bagua, Alan García declared to the press that indigenous
people are not "first-class citizens."
After this, the wave of corruption continued to grow because the main company
investigated in the 'Lava Jato' case, Odebrecht, led the consortium that was in
charge of the electric train in Peru, one of the works that García boasts. Let's
not forget that Marcelo Odebrecht met with the Aprista in 2009, and that García
and his ministers approved an exceptional legal system that allowed Odebrecht and
its partner Graña y Montero to increase the cost of the tranches by more than US
$ 400 million 1 and 2 of Line 1 of the train. To this must be added the
accusations and investigations against him for corruption in the 'Water for all'
program that involved former minister Jorge del Castillo and former Minister of
Housing, Hernán Garrido Lecca, in addition to the ties that bind him to Pietro
Gavina former director of the Camargo Correa Group,
Premeditated political escapism
Now, regarding García's last days, let us bear in mind that the Special Team for
the Lava Jato Case recalled in its preliminary arrest request that the former
president could not be 'duly tried' for 'similar acts' during his first
presidential term. , for residing abroad until the charges expired. In October
2001, the Judiciary ordered the search, location, and capture of García. And in
November of last year, the Uruguayan government rejected a new asylum application
presented by García, who was prevented from leaving the country for 18 months.
As we can see, there is a proven string to point out to García of serious ties
with the regional mega-corruption, in addition to being the head of a mafia
enthroned in the power of the State, even without being a government. Thus, the
decision to avoid the fiscal order by firing is not an act of honor, as it is
framed in a planned escapism and without remorse (as shown by the posthumous
letter that one of his daughters read during his wake). That is why we reaffirm
the thesis that the death of Alan García has a political background. His lawyer,
ex-lawyer, main leaders of his party and opinionologists close to Aprismo, did
not waste the situation to fabricate a kind of martyrology on García. They have
even spoken of 'moral wills'.
They have said that Alan "gave his life to stop the wave of arbitrary arrests."
They have said that the former president was a "victim of hatred" and that what
he did was an act of "dignity and honor." But let's not lose sight of the fact
that the suicide of the Aprista leader is a political issue and not an emotional
one. His immediate surroundings will try to generate a climate of condolence and
'national mourning' to evade judicial responsibilities and the preliminary prison
order that fell on García and remains in force for Enrique Cornejo (former
Aprista minister), Luis Nava (former Aprista presidential secretary) and his José
Nava (son), Miguel Atala (former director of Petroperú) and his son Samir Atala,
and Oswaldo Plasencia (former director of the Autonomous Electric Train Authority).
And about suicide, it should only be noted that it is an extremely complex act
that cannot be frivolized or taken lightly (or condemned or praised). But let's
not fall into the media melodrama that says that 'only' depression and sadness
lead to such a measure, since narcissism and megalomania are also triggers for
self-elimination, and García, clearly, was closer to this aspect. This is even
what fuels the morbidity in social networks and reasonable doubts (although they
can also be limited to simple conspiracy theories) that García would not be dead,
but feigning such a measure to evade - once again - justice.
The truth is that we are not facing a martyr or a worthy example, but rather a
political fact that confronts us with the capacity of the corrupt and neoliberal
power to evade responsibilities, and that can even use a tragedy to continue
building walls of protection and evasion of the truth. García's relatives insist
on saying that only history will judge the former Aprista leader, as if trying to
clear his name and give him a privileged place. We, from the social movements and
the working class, say that it is true that history will give him the rightful
place, but not as a worthy man, but as a genocidal and corrupt man who died
without answering for his faults. The people do not forget.
Franz García
Journalist and Peruvian libertarian activist
fgaruce (a) yahoo.es
https://perulibertario.wordpress.com/2019/04/23/alan-garcia-o-el-desprecio-suicida-por-la-justicia-y-la-verdad/
------------------------------
Message: 7
Surveillance capitalism is not limited to the digital world. More and more
sophisticated surveillance cameras are appearing all around us. A European
citizens' initiative proposes their ban. ---- New tools for monitoring the
population are now capable of facial recognition, "suspicious gait" analyzes, or
even tracking you. The drifts are more and more numerous. ---- To give just one
recent example: on March 10, 2021, in the midst of a debate on the "global
security" bill, taking advantage of the health crisis, the French government
authorized by decree (that is to say without go through the National Assembly)
the use of automated image recognition in public transport to monitor the wearing
of masks among users. By making each of us a suspect, this trivialization of mass
biometric [1]surveillancein public spaces, using security technologies, is
dangerous for our individual and collective freedoms.
Anti-Technopolice graffiti in the streets of Marseille ...
Source: Technopolice Twitter
The Libertarian Communist Union is a stakeholder in the Technopolice[2]campaign ,
alongside other organizations such as La Quadrature du Net.
As such, the Librism commission of our organization calls for signing the
petition "Reclaim your face"[3]. Like the recent petition concerning the Disabled
Adult Allowance[4], this is not a simple collection of signatures. This petition
takes the form of a European citizens' initiative[5], that is to say, it will
force the European Commission to take up the subject if it collects in one year
at least one million signatures in at least seven Member States of the European
Union.
Of course, we are not fooled. Even in the event that the petition collects the
required million signatures, there is little chance that European ordoliberal
institutions will take a stand against capitalism, whether it is "surveillance"
or not. But we see in this campaign the opportunity to make more widely visible,
and within an international unitary framework, on the one hand the problems posed
by mass surveillance, and on the other hand the proliferation and progressive
trivialization of this type of surveillance. . We are also working in this
direction in parallel with our campaign "Against surveillance capitalism and the
technopolice, free software"[6], which attacks our alienations in the digital world.
Pablo (UCL Saint-Denis)
Validate
[1] All computer techniques aimed at automatically recognizing an individual from
his physical, biological, and even behavioral characteristics.
[2] Follow the Technopolice campaign on technopolice.fr .
[3] The petition is online at reclaimyourface.eu .
[4] Read "Autonomy: separating household income for the payment of the AAH!" » ,
Webdito of January 6, 2021 on unioncommunistelibertaire.org .
[5] More details on the European Citizens ' Initiative on wikipedia.org.
[6] Read "Against surveillance capitalism and the technopolice, free software" ,
webdito of January 18, 2021 on unioncommunistelibertaire.org.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Technopolice-interdisons-la-surveillance-biometrique-de-masse
------------------------------
Message: 8
The anarchist Vangelis Stathopoulos has been in pre-trial detention since
November 8, 2019 and these days his trial is being held in the first instance. He
was arrested by the anti-terrorist service after an anonymous phone call and was
orchestrated by the media and the usual media trial and interrogation. The
charges against him concern robbery and participation in the organization
"revolutionary self-defense. He was arrested and detained although there is no
evidence linking him to the case. ---- He, from the first moment of his arrest,
denies the accusations against him and tries to highlight the vengeful nature of
his treatment by the authorities. Both in terms of the charges against him and
his unjust pre-trial detention as well as his transfer to the prisons of Larissa,
the key reason was the political identity of V. Stathopoulos, the fact that he
was and is an anarchist. After all, he is known both in the anarchist movement
and in the authorities for his long participation in the struggles where he did
not stop fighting against the barbarity of power even through the cells. More
specifically, during his detention in the prisons of Larissa - and while he
belongs to a vulnerable group and tested positive for the coronavirus - he fought
for the rights of all prisoners for decent living conditions. He fought, that is,
to put an end to the exemption regime imposed on prisoners even in the midst of a
pandemic. In addition, he went on a hunger strike in solidarity with the struggle
of D. Koufontinas for the transfer of the latter to Korydallos prison.
The arrest and detention of V. Stathopoulos demonstrates the vindictive practice
and nature of the prosecution mechanisms - something that was also reflected in
the prosecutor's proposal -, the logic of prosecuting the usual suspects, the
criminalization of solidarity and is part of the overall law and order that in
turn serves the overall restructuring of the state-capitalist system. The
government is wrong to think that with the retaliatory persecution of activists,
the ban on demonstrations, the brutal beatings and arrests at demonstrations, the
televisions of those arrested by the media bully, the restriction of rights, the
criminalization of the to silence the law of those who fight for a world of
equality, freedom, solidarity.
IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF ANARCHIST VANGELIS STATHOPOULOS
NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
Wednesday 21/4, 18:00 gathering in Monastiraki and solidarity march
Friday 23/04, 9:00 gathering at the Court of Appeals, day of the trial decision
Local coordination of Athens of APO-OS
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/imerologio/eventdetail/122/-/athina-efeteio-sygkentrosi-allileggyis-ston-anarxiko-agonisti-v-stathopoulo
Rally of solidarity with the anarchist fighter Vangelis
Stathopoulos [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
The historical memory of the peoples is rapidly fading and the greatest horrors
find an alibi to return to the surface. They may be somewhat camouflaged or even
clearly state their historical origins, but their essence remains the same. ----
text of the Libertatia occupation from 2017 * ---- APRIL 21: WHY THE STRUGGLE
AGAINST FASCISM IS A STRUGGLE OF MEMORY AGAINST FORGOTTEN ---- The historical
memory of the peoples is rapidly fading and the greatest horrors find an alibi to
return to the surface. They may be somewhat camouflaged or even clearly state
their historical origins, but their essence remains the same. ---- So in Greece,
now that the extreme right and fascism have raised their heads again, they are
trying to rewrite history. Of course, they have been saying what they have been
saying for many years now, but most of today's anti-fascist movement was just
ostriches thinking they did not exist, as some continue to do today believing
that a trial can solve the problem of fascist repercussions.
One of the sub-counterfeiting efforts of the story is the attitude to the events
of 21 thApril 1967, namely the imposition of the dictatorship of the colonels. We
in turn will try to capture a small chronicle and an analysis of the events that
led there, what happened during the dictatorship and how its fall and the "smooth
democratic transition" occurred.
The political situation before the dictatorship and the expansion of the parastate
First of all, the junta did not come out of nowhere. Already since the end of
World War II and the negotiations for the "sharing of the pie" it seemed that
Greece has an important geopolitical role for the western camp, as it is a
bulwark at the exit of the communist bloc to the Mediterranean. So on the one
hand the communists should not have prevailed and on the other hand both the
respective governments had to be financed to develop the country's economy and
the various anti-communists (liberals, rightists, mainly fascists and dossiers)
to eliminate the danger of communism. Thus, a massive parastate is created, which
assists the police forces in their noble work and, of course, receives large
salaries from foreign secret services, mainly American, of course.
During 1965, then, and after the period of the "right-wing state" (1955-1963) and
events such as the "elections of violence and fraud" (1961) and the assassination
of Lambraki (1963), the Union of the Center was in power. The danger of
strengthening communism seemed visible to the bourgeois forces, the parastate and
its bosses (palace, USA, NATO), as militant trade union and student forces grew
stronger. The ruling party should not lose strength to the left, but instead work
with the right once again to stop the "communist threat." That is why the
so-called "apostasy" takes place, a movement led by the palace with K. Mitsotakis
being one of the main protagonists. Of course,toJuly, which commanded to attack
the demonstrators, resulting in a dead (Sotiris Petroulas), 200 injured and 250
arrested. There was, however, an alternative plan in case the apostasy did not go
well: a coup d'etat of generals loyal to the palace for nine months, which would
be "constitutionally guaranteed"!
The US Secretary of State, their ambassador to Athens, and NATO are pushing for a
royal coup, but the CIA wants a (already formed) colonel junta to control it, a
tactic it has already successfully implemented in Latin American countries. .
While the royal junta is constantly postponing its plan (elections had already
been called for May 1967 and while one interim government was falling in the
meantime), the junta of the colonels is informed - through the commander of the
3rd Army Corps of Thessaloniki Zoitakis - the NATO-approved plan of the first and
decides to act. The parastate has grown so much that it is gaining power.
Besides, many juntas had served successfully in the Security Battalions in the
past, among them Papadopoulos.
The coup of 21 thApril
The coup took place on Friday, April 21, 1967, with American tanks taking to the
streets of Athens and 10,000 people being arrested that first night. It will last
7 years. The left, of course, from the first moment revolts against the junta.
The resistance is nevertheless spasmodic and not well organized, with the most
important examples being the failed - for 2 seconds - attempt of Panagoulis to
kill Papadopoulos, but also the Karagiorgas group that carried out a number of
bombings. There were many who "resisted" from abroad either to save themselves or
to wash away their political past and return to the political scene more
violently, with some exceptions of course. Many people, however, remain
disengaged at first, despite their dissatisfaction, something that can be seen
from the crowds that gathered at the funeral of G. Papandreou in November 1968
and turned it into a real demonstration. Of course the resistance brings victims,
but also people who were brutally tortured. Among the first are Giannis
Chalkidis, a member of PAM, who was assassinated here in our city, the EDA MP
George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising, as well as
countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know ( 88 are the
officially counted dead during the seven years according to the Progressive
Association of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are Alekos
Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled. Of course the resistance
brings victims, but also people who were brutally tortured. Among the first are
Giannis Chalkidis, a member of PAM, who was assassinated here in our city, the
EDA MP George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising, as well as
countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know ( 88 are the
officially counted dead during the seven years according to the Progressive
Association of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are Alekos
Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled. Of course the resistance
brings victims, but also people who were brutally tortured. Among the first are
Giannis Chalkidis, a member of PAM, who was assassinated here in our city, EDA MP
George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising, as well as
countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know ( 88 are the
officially counted dead during the seven years according to the Progressive
Association of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are Alekos
Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled. EDA MP George Tsarouchas
and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising as well as countless other invisible
heroes whose names we will never know (88 are the officially counted dead during
the seven years according to the Progressive Union of Mothers of Greece). In the
second shocking examples are Alekos Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became
disabled. EDA MP George Tsarouchas and the dead during the Polytechnic uprising
as well as countless other invisible heroes whose names we will never know (88
are the officially counted dead during the seven years according to the
Progressive Union of Mothers of Greece). In the second shocking examples are
Alekos Panagoulis and Spyros Moustaklis who became disabled.
The myths of the far right for the period of seven years
The tales we hear from the supporters of the junta are many: that there was no
oppression, there was national sovereignty, we did not owe, there were no
scandals... For the first we have already argued, let us go to the next.
The good relationship between the junta and the US is well known. Besides, it was
financed from there. In fact, when the US Parliament votes to stop military aid
to Greece, the Senate rejects the Parliament's proposal. But newspapers, such as
the Times, openly support the junta until they change their minds, as there is a
dichotomy between the State Department that wants Karamanlis and the Pentagon
(the ministry of national defense) that Papadopoulos wants. "Democratic" Europe,
on the other hand, decided only at the end of 1969 that dictatorial Greece did
not belong to it. In addition, the conclusion of the Subcommittee on Human Rights
on torture, political prisoners and more was published.
Another big myth is about the "economic achievements" of the dictatorship.
Indicatively we will mention that not only the public debt increased from 38.7
billion drachmas in December 1967 to 87.5 billion drachmas in January 1973, but
also that the trade deficit in 1973 was five times bigger than in 1968. Also , in
the agricultural sector, which employed 44% of the economically active
population, instead of the five-year growth forecast of 5.2%, the rural economy
grew by only 1.8% in the period 1967-1974, as opposed to 4, 2% during the period
1963-1966. Agricultural exports fell from 63% of total exports in 1968 to 48% in
1972. The result was that per capita agricultural income fell from 55% to 43% of
the average national per capita income. And all this while the immigration that
was expelling the surplus labor force had stopped. At the same time, all kinds of
foreign and local capital were rewarded, with the result that the rich became
richer (the sequel is known...).
And so we get to the scandals. From the contracts with Litton, MacDonald, Tom
Pappas and Siemens, where out of a budget of 450 million, 400 were eaten, in the
scandal with the "Balopoulos meat" and as the American weapons destined for
Greece and the juntas sold them in Africa . And of course with the family rule
reigning with the "settlements" of Pattakos's grooms, Papadopoulos brothers and
the coup plotters themselves who "legislated" the doubling of their salaries.
Dictatorship, as we mentioned before, was a temporary solution. It was the
transition from the right of 1963 to the right of 1974. Besides, she comes from
there and acts on her own account. They are residents in the same building as it
is known. From the traditional right-wing state of dosilogos, therefore, which
absorbed and assimilated all the traitors of the occupation and whose
dictatorship was the leading manifestation in Karamanlis' post-1974 Greece, which
now appears as a savior who will restore normalcy and democracy . And while his
junta paved the way for power, all he did was turn the death penalty into life
imprisonment. Everything and everything had to be observed and the pretexts!
The 1973 uprising
And while the junta is gradually rotting, it comes in 1973 to shake the waters.
As early as February and March, the universities are "boiling", with the militant
protests that take place in many schools of the country, especially Law. Shortly
afterwards, on November 14, 1973, the occupation of the Polytechnic began to end
with a lot of blood and many dead at 17 with the invasion of tanks.
Another myth spread by the fascists today is that there were no dead at the
Polytechnic. We will once again speak with facts: The first official registration
of the dead of the Polytechnic was made in October 1974 by the prosecutor
Dimitris Tsevas, whose conclusion spoke of 18 "fully confirmed" dead and another
16 "substantially arising". Since then, many have spoken out about the issue,
either raising or lowering the death toll. In 2002, however, he launched the
National Research Foundation, an investigation that aimed to clarify the facts of
the Polytechnic, gathering evidence and testimonies. According to this multi-year
investigation (entitled "Documenting the events of November 1973"), it appears
that the identified and fully confirmed dead of the uprising are 24, while
another 30 cases are being investigated. Most of them are students. Also,
according to the same research, the confirmed injured of the three days amount to
1,103, but to which must be added "an unidentified number of other citizens", who
"either doctors, or a nursing home, or no one sought refuge, obviously afraid
unpleasant developments for them or their families ", as Tsevas
characteristically states in the 1974 report. Other interesting facts are the
following: there were 5,000 protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the
immediate perimeter and 100,000 in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000
rounds of ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of
ammunition and soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition. The confirmed number of
injured for the three days is 1,103, but to which must be added "an unidentified
number of other citizens", who "either doctors, or a nursing home, or no one
sought refuge, obviously afraid of their families or developments ", as Tsevas
characteristically mentions in the 1974 report. Other interesting facts are the
following: there were 5,000 protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the
immediate perimeter and 100,000 in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000
rounds of ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of
ammunition and soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition. The confirmed number of
injured people for the three days is 1,103, but to which must be added "an
unidentified number of other citizens", who "either doctors, or a nursing home,
or no one sought refuge, fearing obviously unpleasant for them or their
families." developments ", as Tsevas characteristically mentions in the
conclusion of 1974. Other interesting facts are the following: there were 5,000
protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the immediate perimeter and 100,000
in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000 rounds of ammunition, the
Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of ammunition and soldiers 300,000
rounds of ammunition. "or no one sought refuge, fearing obviously unpleasant
developments for them or their families", as Tsevas characteristically states in
the 1974 report. in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000 rounds of
ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of ammunition and
soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition. "or no one sought refuge, fearing
obviously unpleasant developments for them or their families", as Tsevas
characteristically states in the 1974 report. Other interesting facts are the
following: there were 5,000 protesters inside the institution, 10,000 in the
immediate perimeter and 100,000 in scattered demonstrations. Police used 24,000
rounds of ammunition, the Ministry of Public Order dropped 2,192 rounds of
ammunition and soldiers 300,000 rounds of ammunition.
To these we should add the extreme right-wing gangs that contributed to their
work, such as: " Elias Tsapouras(a close associate of Michaloliakos)and other
undisclosed operatives deliberately expelled Vassilios Famelon at the same place
and time and Toril Engeland, who fired at them with machine guns and rifles, from
the roof of the building housing the Ministry of Public Order, and struck by
bullets at Basil Famellos in the right eye as a result of which he acted as a
victim. Toril Engeland died on the anterior thoracic wall, resulting in a blind
chest injury from which her only active cause was death. (Board of Appeal) . "
The overthrow of Papadopoulos, the rise of Ioannidis and the events in Cyprus
Immediately after the events of the Polytechnic, the Karamanli generals Gizikis
and Bonanos overthrow Papadopoulos, who had already compromised with the
Karamanlis solution, but not Ioannidis who overthrew the two generals on November
25 to block the plan. to stay in power until the coup of EOKA B against Makarios
in Cyprus on July 15, 1974.
The last act, then, takes place in Cyprus with the overthrow of Makarios, the
subsequent Turkish invasion and the eventual division of the island. These are
the moments when the nationalist far right is showing its patriotism. And this is
how the famous "seven years" end on July 23, 1974. The next day, Karamanlis
arrives as a liberator to "restore democracy" and the so-called period of "change
of government" begins.
Of course, the "droplets" continued to exist just fine, while if there was a real
"decontamination" the right could not find executives for its subsequent
democratic course. After all, the junta came from there, while the far right was
mainly integrated in the camp of the "nationalists" throughout the period
1946-1967. Later, although she followed her own course, she continued the
quarrels with the ruling party of the right-wing political spectrum, which reach
to this day with the Baltakou-Kasidiari talks, the statements about a "serious
Golden Dawn" and many other examples.
In any case, the historical role of the far right, whether it is called fascism
or Nazism, whether it is wearing the junta's military uniform or the hood of the
dossier, is one: to act as a reserve for the system when it enters difficult
historical times and the "extreme solutions" for the rescue of the capitalist and
bourgeois democratic system.
For our part, we will be there to remind her of her role in this place, but also
in the whole earth, and to stop her both on the road and on a theoretical level,
when she tries to falsify and rewrite history. . Because historical memory is a
weapon in the hands of the oppressed and the movements and will always be
directed against those who try to distort it.
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/istoria/366-ena-mikro-xroniko-kai-mia-analysi-ton-gegonoton-tis-21is-apriliou-1967
------------------------------
Message: 2
The anarchist Vangelis Stathopoulos has been in custody since November 8, 2019
and these days his trial is being held in the first instance. He was arrested by
the anti-terrorist service after an anonymous phone call and was orchestrated by
the media and the usual media trial and interrogation. The charges against him
concern robbery and participation in the organization "revolutionary
self-defense. He was arrested and detained although there is no evidence linking
him to the case. ---- He, from the first moment of his arrest, denies the
accusations leveled against him and tries to highlight the vengeful nature of his
treatment by the authorities. Both in terms of the charges against him and his
unjust pre-trial detention as well as his transfer to the prisons of Larissa, the
key reason was the political identity of V. Stathopoulos, the fact that he was
and is an anarchist. After all, he is known both to the anarchist movement and to
the authorities for his long participation in the struggles where he did not stop
fighting against the barbarity of power even from within the cells. More
specifically, during his detention in the prisons of Larissa - and while he
belongs to a vulnerable group and tested positive for the coronavirus - he fought
for the rights of all detainees for decent living conditions. He fought, that is,
to put an end to the exemption regime imposed on prisoners even in the midst of a
pandemic. In addition, he went on a hunger strike in solidarity with the struggle
of D. Koufontinas for the transfer of the latter to Korydallos prison.
The arrest and detention of V. Stathopoulos demonstrates the vindictive practice
and nature of the prosecution mechanisms - something that was also reflected in
the prosecutor's proposal -, the logic of prosecuting the usual suspects, the
criminalization of solidarity and is part of the overall law and order that in
turn serves the overall restructuring of the state-capitalist system. The
government is wrong to think that with the retaliatory persecution of activists,
the ban on demonstrations, the brutal beatings and arrests in demonstrations, the
televisions of those arrested by the media bully, the restriction of rights, the
criminalization of the to silence the law of those who fight for a world of
equality, freedom, solidarity.
IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF ANARCHIST VANGELIS STATHOPOULOS
NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
Wednesday 21/4, 18:00 gathering in Monastiraki and solidarity march
Friday 23/04, 9:00 gathering at the Court of Appeals, day of the trial decision
Local coordination of Athens of APO-OS
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/agones/364-monastiraki-21-4-18-00-sygkentrosi-kai-poreia-allileggyis-ston-v-stathopoulo
------------------------------
Message: 3
It highlighted the role that the royal family plays in the maintenance of the
system. ---- Over 110,000 people lodged protests with the BBC over its grovelling
coverage, before its Director General Tim Davie, a supporter of the Conservative
Party, ordered the complaint form to be taken down, to avoid further
embarrassment as the figures rose. ---- Boris Johnson underlined the key role
that the monarchy plays in maintaining the status quo and as an adhesive in
preserving the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth, praising Philip in suitably
sycophantic style: "Like the expert carriage driver that he was, he helped to
steer the royal family and the monarchy so that it remains an institution
indisputably vital to the balance and happiness of our national life." This view
was echoed by the leader of the Labour Party, Keir Starmer and Jeremy Corbyn.
Starmer was to say "The United Kingdom has lost an extraordinary public servant
in Prince Philip". Meanwhile the Trades Union Congress (TUC) tweeted "The UK's
trade union movement sends our condolences to the queen and the royal family on
the death of the duke of Edinburgh." Some "left" Labour MPs, who have made a show
of their republicanism in the past, were also eager to grovel, as were the
leaders of the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru. Both Sian Berry, present
leader of the Green Party, and Caroline Lucas, its former leader praised Philip,
a notorious killer of creatures, both big game like tigers and smaller creatures
like grouse and pheasants, over his concern for the environment and the World
Wildlife Fund.
Philip's well-publicised racism and sexism were portrayed by the media as lovable
quirks, the Sunday Times stating: "Prince Philip was the longest-serving royal
consort in British history - an often crotchety figure, offending people with
gaffes about slitty eyes, even if secretly we rather enjoyed them." This referred
to comments he had made about British students studying Mandarin in China.
The "We" used by the Sunday Times illustrates the peddling of the One Nation idea
as a uniform, confirming mass. Responding to this legitimisation of racism, a
group of east Asian journalists responded in a statement signed by 17,000 that
"Portraying the nation as a collective ‘we' that ‘secretly' enjoys racist and
derogatory slurs at the expense of ethnic groups is insensitive at best, and
encouraging racist violence at worst".
The over the top coverage of Philip's death marks a cranking up of an ideological
war against any sign of rebellion or dissent. Witness the horror of the
establishment at the toppling of statues in last summer's Black Lives Matters
protests. It responds with attempts to control the school curriculum even
tighter, by praising the "benefits" of the British Empire.
Against this culture war the so called "left" has been spectacularly spineless,
rolling over to have its tummy tickled if it keeps quiet about the monarchy,
about the racist heritage of Britain and about police brutality.
Philip comes from a family which ruled Greece. The Greek population decided they
did not want a monarchy anymore. His sisters all married top German Nazis and
Philip's own contempt for the masses was sometimes revealed as witness his
remarks when he visited the dictator of Paraguay, where he said that it was a
pleasure to visit a country not ruled by its people.
Philip's funeral attracted 13 million viewers. The future death of Elisabeth will
be used to drum up another frenzy of brown nosing. Calls for the abolition of the
monarchy and a consistent campaign to expose it as an essential tool used by the
ruling class in this country to preserve the status quo are imperative. Despite
the "We" used by the establishment, it can be seen that there are considerable
numbers opposed to the monarchy, as witnessed by the 110,000 complaints to the
BBC and the crash in viewing figures for ITV of 60% with significant falls in
viewing of other channels during the carpet coverage.e BBC
anarchistcommunism.org/2021/04/25/the-monarchy-the-state-and-the-bbc
------------------------------
Message: 4
Once again the Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra will remember the date of the
First of May as a day of struggle for women and men workers at the VII Sarau
First of May: Health and Decent Life. ---- This year we will not have our
traditional soiree in person, due to the pandemic, so we chose to make a video
with the participation of people and groups that are close to us in social
struggles. ---- The theme will be about the importance of the struggle for
health, but we are also celebrating the 150th anniversary of the Paris Commune as
a great source of inspiration for an experience of popular self-government! ----
Despite all this context that we are living in, we believe that art can be
inspiring to strengthen our hearts and keep on fighting.
We will be happy with your participation!
Long live May Day!
May Day of struggle and solidarity!
Popular revolt to take the riches!
Tagged: 1st of May , online , soiree , soiree May 1 , health , dignified health
https://www.cabn.libertar.org/vii-sarau-1o-de-maio/
------------------------------
Message: 5
February 8, 2021 marks the 100th anniversary of the death of Pyotr Alekseevich
Kropotkin, the great anarchist, scientist, revolutionary, philosopher. During
this time, many researchers assessed Kropotkin's contribution to various fields
of science related to the study of the Earth, presented his doctrine of the
future community of free and equal people living according to his principles, his
interpretation of the October Revolution and inevitably those events subsequent
ones. ---- Realizing that far from everything that has been said about Kropotkin,
that his legacy continues to arouse great interest, the Museum-Reserve Dmitrov
Kremlin is carrying out a commemorative act on April 23, 2021 in the city where
he spent his last years of life.
Within the scope of the event, it is planned:
* International Scientific Conference "Look at the Earth as a Living Whole".
* Excursion to the Kropotkin sites in the city of Dmitrov, with flowers placed in
the monument to PA Kropotkin.
* Tour of the exhibition of the house PA Kropotkin "Dmitrov period of the life of
PA Kropotkin".
Applications for participation as listeners are accepted until 20/04/2021 at the
email address:kropotkin@dmmuseum.ru
dmmuseum.ru
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Message: 6
There are many angles from which to approach the suicide of former Peruvian
president Alan García Pérez, but we are interested in the crux of the affair in
the making, which has a political background and its immediate impact on the
reconfiguration of national and even regional tasks. To contextualize the fatal
outcome, it should be noted that it was given to avoid complying with the
preliminary arrest order imposed after the Special Team for the Lava Jato Case
accused García as the leader of a criminal organization that committed the crimes
of money laundering. bribery and aggravated collusion to favor the Brazilian
construction company Odebrecht in the award of the Metro de Lima and the South
Interoceanic Highway, during his second presidential term (2006-2011).
To be more precise, the document issued by the Court Specialized in Crimes of
Organized Crime and Corruption of Officials, which collects the arguments of the
Public Ministry against García Pérez, states that: "[García]is attributed in his
capacity as President of the Republic (...) as a member of a criminal
organization, having concentrated with the representatives of Odebrecht,
specifically with the Superintendent Director in Peru, Jorge Barata, (...) to
favor[said]company ". That is, the Prosecutor's Office identified that
Odebrecht's Structured Operations Department paid US $ 4.8 million to this
alleged criminal organization by order of the former head of the construction
company in Peru, Jorge Barata, and the founder of this 'bribery division',
Hilberto Mascarenhas Da Silva. This occurred between March 2006 and October 2010,
This judicial framework is minimized and even attacked by the legal defense of
Alan García, supported by the elite of the Aprista Party, the peripheral partners
and a large part of the Peruvian right that sees what happened with some
amazement, not because of sentimental anguish but as a alert to be the next to
sit in the dock for their links with the mega-corruption of the 'Construction
Club' (Camargo Correa, Odebrecht, Andrade Gutierrez, OAS, Queiroz Galvao,
Carioca, Marquise, Serveng and Constran). And this is where the strenuous efforts
to turn the suicidal former president into a 'martyr' begins and is explained,
since his figure of the dead serves a lot in the web of manufacturing gadgets
that hinder the processes of investigation and punishment of the corrupt.
Royal martyrologies
To understand where the desire to express a crude martyrology around the recent
suicide comes from, it should be pointed out objectively that APRA did have a
past of social militancy that earned it a certain place in the history of Peru as
a mass organization with popular roots and progressive. We must remember the
heroic deed of July 7, 1932, when a group of sugarcane peons and Trujillo
students (led by Manuel Barreto, a former anarcho-syndicalist leader) stormed the
"Ricardo O'Donovan" artillery barracks. The fight lasted more than three hours,
causing numerous casualties on both sides and ending with the triumph of the
insurgents. However, the gendarmerie of the fascist government of Luis Sánchez
Cerro regained control of the city, captured the surrendered rebels to shoot
them. No judgment. The death penalty was handed down against 102 people accused
of being responsible for the uprising, although it was only applied to 42
detainees. It is estimated that the number of victims at the end of the conflict
reached approximately 5,000 civilians linked to APRA, who were extrajudicially shot.
This, which was one of the icons in Aprista historiography, is not the only case
of martyrology, because in later years and until the 1950s, Aprismo suffered
persecution, exile, jail and repression, sharing wards and cells with communist
prisoners and anarchists of those years. Despite the periods of illegalization to
which they were confined, Haya de la Torre's party knew how to sustain itself and
emerge stronger (also due to the tactical-populist alliances of its leader with
even enemy forces of his own party). The bibliography of these episodes is
abundant, so we will not stop here. But this comment is worth to understand that
Aprismo did enjoy heroic militancy when it still had lags of socialist and
libertarian cadres in its ranks,
Two governments of death and corruption
And in the particular case of Alan García, it would also be appropriate to make a
brief review of his history of complaints and mismanagement that weigh against
him. We can begin in his first government (1985-1990) with the notorious case of
the massacres at the El Frontón and San Juan de Lurigancho prisons (June 18,
1986) when political prisoners started a planned riot also in Santa Bárbara. The
García government ordered the Armed Forces to "restore order." In Lurigancho 124
inmates died; in Santa Barbara, two; and in El Frontón, 118 murdered (only 30
survived). It is worth mentioning that according to the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (CVR), the senderistas surrendered in El Frontón were shot and
executed with knives.
Then we had a scandal for which Alan García was accused of the crime of illicit
enrichment for his alleged participation in an act of corruption within the Banco
de Crédito y Comercio Internacional (BCCI). Leonel Figueroa and Héctor Neira were
accused of receiving bribes of US $ 3 million for depositing part of the reserves
of the Central Reserve Bank (BCR) to the BCCI. All this occurred while the
population suffered from hunger and despair due to the growing hyperinflation and
the devaluation of the national currency. Many workers were thrown into the streets.
Already in his second government, the signs of corruption and repression were
more clearly accentuated. Let us remember that through emergency decrees, García
Pérez managed to get the Executive to carry out several contracts without prior
tenders. One of them was destined to the construction of hospitals investigated
for alleged overvaluation of costs, since it was learned that the construction
cost US $ 23 million and then rose to US $ 535 million. It was even reported that
some hospitals were never built despite the fact that the Aprista government paid
up to 70% of the cost of the work in advance.
But the most critical points were the cases of "Narcoindultos" where García freed
drug traffickers and approved commutations of sentences conditional on financial
rewards. On the one hand, the Judicial Power condemned drug traffickers and
members of criminal gangs; on the other, Alan García released them to supposedly
"eradicate the overcrowding of prisons." Before reaching the hands of the former
president, the proposals for commutations and pardons passed through the then
Minister of Justice, Aurelio Pastor, who was later sentenced to four years in
prison for influence peddling.
And that of the 'Petroaudios' which was the biggest corruption scandal of his
second term, where it was learned that the Discover Petroleum International
company won the bid for the exploitation of five oil lots irregularly in 2008, as
revealed Through some audios where Aprista Romulo León is heard informing Alberto
Químper, former director of Peru-Petro, that Discover was willing to pay him US $
5,000 per month to help her win the contracts. Because of this, León and Quimper
were imprisoned for three years. The first of them regained his freedom for
exceeding the term for sentencing. The second was excluded from the process by
prescribing the crimes he was charged with.
Special mention should be made of the 'Baguazo' that was unleashed when the
legislative decrees promoted by Alan García provoked a brutal massacre on June 5,
2009 against indigenous inhabitants in the area called Curva del Diablo, in Bagua
(Peruvian jungle). Even the relatives of the deceased police officers criminally
denounced Alan García for manslaughter. The decrees that unleashed the violence
were intended to promote investment in the local Amazon, but the indigenous
communities warned that they flagrantly violated their rights. On the same day of
the confrontation in Bagua, Alan García declared to the press that indigenous
people are not "first-class citizens."
After this, the wave of corruption continued to grow because the main company
investigated in the 'Lava Jato' case, Odebrecht, led the consortium that was in
charge of the electric train in Peru, one of the works that García boasts. Let's
not forget that Marcelo Odebrecht met with the Aprista in 2009, and that García
and his ministers approved an exceptional legal system that allowed Odebrecht and
its partner Graña y Montero to increase the cost of the tranches by more than US
$ 400 million 1 and 2 of Line 1 of the train. To this must be added the
accusations and investigations against him for corruption in the 'Water for all'
program that involved former minister Jorge del Castillo and former Minister of
Housing, Hernán Garrido Lecca, in addition to the ties that bind him to Pietro
Gavina former director of the Camargo Correa Group,
Premeditated political escapism
Now, regarding García's last days, let us bear in mind that the Special Team for
the Lava Jato Case recalled in its preliminary arrest request that the former
president could not be 'duly tried' for 'similar acts' during his first
presidential term. , for residing abroad until the charges expired. In October
2001, the Judiciary ordered the search, location, and capture of García. And in
November of last year, the Uruguayan government rejected a new asylum application
presented by García, who was prevented from leaving the country for 18 months.
As we can see, there is a proven string to point out to García of serious ties
with the regional mega-corruption, in addition to being the head of a mafia
enthroned in the power of the State, even without being a government. Thus, the
decision to avoid the fiscal order by firing is not an act of honor, as it is
framed in a planned escapism and without remorse (as shown by the posthumous
letter that one of his daughters read during his wake). That is why we reaffirm
the thesis that the death of Alan García has a political background. His lawyer,
ex-lawyer, main leaders of his party and opinionologists close to Aprismo, did
not waste the situation to fabricate a kind of martyrology on García. They have
even spoken of 'moral wills'.
They have said that Alan "gave his life to stop the wave of arbitrary arrests."
They have said that the former president was a "victim of hatred" and that what
he did was an act of "dignity and honor." But let's not lose sight of the fact
that the suicide of the Aprista leader is a political issue and not an emotional
one. His immediate surroundings will try to generate a climate of condolence and
'national mourning' to evade judicial responsibilities and the preliminary prison
order that fell on García and remains in force for Enrique Cornejo (former
Aprista minister), Luis Nava (former Aprista presidential secretary) and his José
Nava (son), Miguel Atala (former director of Petroperú) and his son Samir Atala,
and Oswaldo Plasencia (former director of the Autonomous Electric Train Authority).
And about suicide, it should only be noted that it is an extremely complex act
that cannot be frivolized or taken lightly (or condemned or praised). But let's
not fall into the media melodrama that says that 'only' depression and sadness
lead to such a measure, since narcissism and megalomania are also triggers for
self-elimination, and García, clearly, was closer to this aspect. This is even
what fuels the morbidity in social networks and reasonable doubts (although they
can also be limited to simple conspiracy theories) that García would not be dead,
but feigning such a measure to evade - once again - justice.
The truth is that we are not facing a martyr or a worthy example, but rather a
political fact that confronts us with the capacity of the corrupt and neoliberal
power to evade responsibilities, and that can even use a tragedy to continue
building walls of protection and evasion of the truth. García's relatives insist
on saying that only history will judge the former Aprista leader, as if trying to
clear his name and give him a privileged place. We, from the social movements and
the working class, say that it is true that history will give him the rightful
place, but not as a worthy man, but as a genocidal and corrupt man who died
without answering for his faults. The people do not forget.
Franz García
Journalist and Peruvian libertarian activist
fgaruce (a) yahoo.es
https://perulibertario.wordpress.com/2019/04/23/alan-garcia-o-el-desprecio-suicida-por-la-justicia-y-la-verdad/
------------------------------
Message: 7
Surveillance capitalism is not limited to the digital world. More and more
sophisticated surveillance cameras are appearing all around us. A European
citizens' initiative proposes their ban. ---- New tools for monitoring the
population are now capable of facial recognition, "suspicious gait" analyzes, or
even tracking you. The drifts are more and more numerous. ---- To give just one
recent example: on March 10, 2021, in the midst of a debate on the "global
security" bill, taking advantage of the health crisis, the French government
authorized by decree (that is to say without go through the National Assembly)
the use of automated image recognition in public transport to monitor the wearing
of masks among users. By making each of us a suspect, this trivialization of mass
biometric [1]surveillancein public spaces, using security technologies, is
dangerous for our individual and collective freedoms.
Anti-Technopolice graffiti in the streets of Marseille ...
Source: Technopolice Twitter
The Libertarian Communist Union is a stakeholder in the Technopolice[2]campaign ,
alongside other organizations such as La Quadrature du Net.
As such, the Librism commission of our organization calls for signing the
petition "Reclaim your face"[3]. Like the recent petition concerning the Disabled
Adult Allowance[4], this is not a simple collection of signatures. This petition
takes the form of a European citizens' initiative[5], that is to say, it will
force the European Commission to take up the subject if it collects in one year
at least one million signatures in at least seven Member States of the European
Union.
Of course, we are not fooled. Even in the event that the petition collects the
required million signatures, there is little chance that European ordoliberal
institutions will take a stand against capitalism, whether it is "surveillance"
or not. But we see in this campaign the opportunity to make more widely visible,
and within an international unitary framework, on the one hand the problems posed
by mass surveillance, and on the other hand the proliferation and progressive
trivialization of this type of surveillance. . We are also working in this
direction in parallel with our campaign "Against surveillance capitalism and the
technopolice, free software"[6], which attacks our alienations in the digital world.
Pablo (UCL Saint-Denis)
Validate
[1] All computer techniques aimed at automatically recognizing an individual from
his physical, biological, and even behavioral characteristics.
[2] Follow the Technopolice campaign on technopolice.fr .
[3] The petition is online at reclaimyourface.eu .
[4] Read "Autonomy: separating household income for the payment of the AAH!" » ,
Webdito of January 6, 2021 on unioncommunistelibertaire.org .
[5] More details on the European Citizens ' Initiative on wikipedia.org.
[6] Read "Against surveillance capitalism and the technopolice, free software" ,
webdito of January 18, 2021 on unioncommunistelibertaire.org.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Technopolice-interdisons-la-surveillance-biometrique-de-masse
------------------------------
Message: 8
The anarchist Vangelis Stathopoulos has been in pre-trial detention since
November 8, 2019 and these days his trial is being held in the first instance. He
was arrested by the anti-terrorist service after an anonymous phone call and was
orchestrated by the media and the usual media trial and interrogation. The
charges against him concern robbery and participation in the organization
"revolutionary self-defense. He was arrested and detained although there is no
evidence linking him to the case. ---- He, from the first moment of his arrest,
denies the accusations against him and tries to highlight the vengeful nature of
his treatment by the authorities. Both in terms of the charges against him and
his unjust pre-trial detention as well as his transfer to the prisons of Larissa,
the key reason was the political identity of V. Stathopoulos, the fact that he
was and is an anarchist. After all, he is known both in the anarchist movement
and in the authorities for his long participation in the struggles where he did
not stop fighting against the barbarity of power even through the cells. More
specifically, during his detention in the prisons of Larissa - and while he
belongs to a vulnerable group and tested positive for the coronavirus - he fought
for the rights of all prisoners for decent living conditions. He fought, that is,
to put an end to the exemption regime imposed on prisoners even in the midst of a
pandemic. In addition, he went on a hunger strike in solidarity with the struggle
of D. Koufontinas for the transfer of the latter to Korydallos prison.
The arrest and detention of V. Stathopoulos demonstrates the vindictive practice
and nature of the prosecution mechanisms - something that was also reflected in
the prosecutor's proposal -, the logic of prosecuting the usual suspects, the
criminalization of solidarity and is part of the overall law and order that in
turn serves the overall restructuring of the state-capitalist system. The
government is wrong to think that with the retaliatory persecution of activists,
the ban on demonstrations, the brutal beatings and arrests at demonstrations, the
televisions of those arrested by the media bully, the restriction of rights, the
criminalization of the to silence the law of those who fight for a world of
equality, freedom, solidarity.
IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF ANARCHIST VANGELIS STATHOPOULOS
NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
Wednesday 21/4, 18:00 gathering in Monastiraki and solidarity march
Friday 23/04, 9:00 gathering at the Court of Appeals, day of the trial decision
Local coordination of Athens of APO-OS
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/imerologio/eventdetail/122/-/athina-efeteio-sygkentrosi-allileggyis-ston-anarxiko-agonisti-v-stathopoulo
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