#WORLDWIDE #WORLD #ANARCHISM #News #Journal #Update - #Anarchism from all over the #world - TUESDAY 8 JUNE 2020

 

Today's Topics:  ONE

   

1.  die plattform - "You don't need to explain anything to us!"
      - Our contribution to the Youth Day in Leipzig (ca, de, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  Czech, AFED: Myanmar's problems are not so far away                    [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  capital.fora: 30 DAYS OF STRUGGLE IN THE 

     COLOMBIAN REGION
      (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  Federación Anarquista de Rosario: On May 30, 1814, Mikhail
      Bakunin was born in Russia, considered one of the fathers of
      anarchism. (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  [Athens, Sq. Korai, 8/6, 18:00] Gathering - Intervention
      against the anti-labor bill - Reprint of a call from the site of
      A.P.O [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

6.  ait russia: Anniversary of the Paris Commune and the 133rd
      act of the "yellow vests" [machine translation] 

     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

Today's Topics:  TWOO

   

1.  France, UCL AL #316 = Culture, New translation: 

        animal farm
      (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  [Spain] Tribute to Lucía Sánchez Saornil on the
      anniversary of her death in Valencia By ANA (pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  150 years of the Paris Commune: Theory of revolution and the
      anti-imperialist and anti-fascist struggle: COPOAP & 

      UNIPA (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  umanita nova: The situation in Argentina (ca, de, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  grupo anarquista tierra FAI: Black storms in Gaza (ca, de,
      it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  

6.  anarkismo.net: Anarchists in the crosshairs of the
      Bolsheviks (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1



A work falls into the public domain seventy years after the death of its author.
It is an event that often goes unnoticed. Sometimes, on the contrary, several
publishing houses take the opportunity to take hold of texts considered
emblematic. This is the case this year with Orwell; the possibility for
publishers to dispense with rights negotiations allows for an abundance of
publications. A godsend for those who want to read or reread their texts, and
take a closer look at man. ---- On 1 stJanuary 2021, the work of George Orwell,
who died in 1950, fell into the public domain. The opportunity for many
publishers to publish their version (their vision) of the works of an author
recognized both as a visionary - 1984 still relevant today - but largely
unrecognized - we must reread the anti-colonialist A Burmese Season or the fiery
Homage to Catalonia - even shamefully diverted. For the record, the conservative
journalist and sovereignist Natacha Polony is at the origin of the creation of an
Orwell Club (renamed Les Orwelliens) and of an ephemeral television channel
Orwell.tv (the free media of sovereign France). In 2018, Gallimard, the publisher
entitled to 1984, anticipated this flood of publications and released a new
translation of the work.

If the original translation dating from 1950 contained many errors,
misinterpretations and unexplained cuts, this new "modernized" translation was
confusing by its semantic choices (and in particular by deleting terms which have
since entered current language) and the putting in the present tense of a story
originally written in the past tense. Today, in addition to the very good
translation offered by the Agone editions, three comics or graphic novels and a
pop-up book enrich, or clutter up, it depends, the readings of this masterpiece
of dystopian literature. .

Discreetly, the Libertalia editions publish for their part a new enriched
translation of the Orwellian parable, La Ferme des Animaux , an
anti-authoritarian pamphlet with a libertarian socialist sauce.

The translator, Philippe Mortimer, who has already raged many times for the
libertarian publishing house, in particular in the service of the re-edition of
works by Jack London, gives by this translation a particular breath, rid of a
false lyricism that no longer exists. 'was not present in the original work, to
this animal parable which is "above all a satire of the Russian Revolution" .

A critique of fundamentally libertarian Stalinism
But the work is more complex. And this is what is precious in this edition: at
Libertalia the work of editor is understood in the full sense of the term and the
work is accompanied, in addition to a foreword by the translator, from the
preface to the Ukrainian edition of 1947 and of a second text, "Freedom of the
press", an unsuccessful project from the preface to the English edition
discovered some twenty years after the author's death.

These welcome texts allow this work to be placed in the original project of its
author, a critique of Stalinist totalitarianism but not only, and we see Orwell
already responding to certain right-wing interpretations of his fable and
defending himself from carrying a defeatist vision.

The Orwelian critique of Stalinism is an anti-authoritarian and fundamentally
libertarian leftist critique. And the good man knows what he is talking about, he
lived in his flesh the treacheries of the Stalinists who preferred to fire
against the CNT-FAI or the Poum than against the Francoists in Barcelona in 1937.
If the Trotskyist thesis of a degenerate revolution does not find favor in
Orwell's eyes, it is not to go snuggle up in the arms of capitalism: we see it in
its way of making fun of productivism or the technophile fable.

Orwell is and remains a socialist, in the strong sense of the term, and it is as
a libertarian socialist that he writes. To put it in his words: "I wanted us to
draw the following moral from it: revolutions only produce radical improvements
when the masses are on the alert and know how to dismiss the leaders as soon as
they have done their job" . Let's go down this path and with Orwell, let's stay
alert always, all the time.

David (UCL Grand Paris Sud)

George Orwell, La Ferme des Animaux , New translation by Philippe Mortimer,
Libertalia, January 2021, 168 pages, 13 euros.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Nouvelle-traduction-la-ferme-des-animaux

------------------------------

Message: 2



Next Wednesday, June 2, at 11:00 am, at the general cemetery in Valencia, we
call, from the women's secretariat of the local federation of Valencia, a small
tribute to Lucía Sánchez Saornil on the anniversary of her death. ---- Lucía was
born on December 13, 1895 in Madrid into a poor family. His parents were Gabriela
Saornil and Eugenio Sánchez. They lived on Rua Labrador in the Peñuelas district.
Her mother and brother died when she was very young and was in charge of the
house and a sister a little younger than herself. His father worked at the
telephone exchange at the Duke of Alba's house. They had a small library filled
with books and pamphlets inherited from one of her father's aunts. He studied at
a school for orphans, the Centro "Hijos de Madrid", where he completed his
primary and secondary studies. In 1913, he published his first poem, Nieve, in
the weekly Avante de Ciudad Rodrigo.

In 1916 he began working as a telephone operator at Telefónica and published his
first poems in the magazine Los Quijotes. In Los Quijotes, an initiative of the
owner of a press, Emilio G. Linera, they began to publish some of the poets who
were later representative of Ultraism, such as Guillermo de Torre. Sánchez
Saornil's poems are sentimental explosions immersed in decadent Modernism.

At the same time, he continued his studies at the Real Academia de Bellas Artes
in San Fernando and began to follow the avant-garde movements, joining in
particular in 1919 the ultraist movement. They then published their poems in
magazines such as Tableros, Plural, Manantial and La Gaceta Literaria, using the
pseudonym Luciano de San-Saor.

anarcho-feminist militancy

During the 1920s he left poetry to devote himself to political activity within
the anarcho-syndicalist movement. He participated in different social conflicts
within Telefónica, which first caused his transfer to Valencia and finally his
expulsion from the company.

In 1927, already in Valencia, he collaborated in several anarchist newspapers
such as Tierra y Libertad and Solidaridad Obrera de Barcelona, Umbral de Valencia
and the Social Fragua. Back in Madrid in 1929, he continued his activities in the
anarchist movement, taking charge in 1933 of the editorial office of the CNT
newspaper.

#MujeresLibres #lucíasanchezsaornil #Valencia #CGT

cgtvalencia.org

Translation > April Sun

Related Content:

https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/12/18/espanha-romancero-mujeres-libres-de-lucia-sanchez-saornil/

https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/30/espanha-lancamento-lucia-sanchez-saornil-corcel-de-fuego/

https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2020/09/04/live-neste-sabado-lucia-sanchez-saornil-anarquista-antifascista-e-escritora-livre/

anarchist news agency-ana

------------------------------

Message: 3

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Joint Communiqué, May 2021 ---- COPOAP - Collective Pro-Anarchist Organization in
Portugal ---- » embate-copoap.weebly.com « ---- UNIPA - União Popular Anarquista
(Brazil) ---- » uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com « ---- Vendôme Square - group of
federated soldiers near the barricade on Rue Castiglione. Photograph by Auguste
Bruno Braquehais (1823-1875) ---- "What alone can save France, in the midst of
the mortal dangers, internal and external, which now threatens it, is the
spontaneous and free, uncompromising, passionate, anarchic and destructive
uprising of the popular masses throughout French territory.[...]I believe that
the only classes now capable of such a powerful insurrection are the workers and
peasants" (BAKUNIN, 1907: 215-216).
This year marks the 150th anniversary of the Paris Commune (1871-2021), an event
of the greatest importance for the international struggle of the working class.
During the Commune and in its subsequent analyses, the theoretical-political
divisions in the workers' movement became evident, mainly on the question of the
role of the State and of war in the revolution. This theoretical split develops
in the division and end of the International Workers' Association (AIT) a year
after the events of the Paris Commune, and then it gains its practical test. This
discussion is generally largely ignored by most organizations and political
currents now commemorating the date, but it is essential for understanding the
current tasks of the working class and revolutionary organizations.

Articulating his theory of the national question and class struggle, Bakunin
presents a fundamental analysis and strategy during the Paris Commune. They were
a response to the unfolding War for Conquest: the Franco-Prussian War of
1870-1871. With the invasion of France by the Prussian army, France had its
eminent defeat. What was Bakunin's policy to fight the Prussian invasion? The
social revolution in France - the general armament of the peasantry and the
working class to take the cities and countryside and drive out the Prussian
invasion, burying together the French Official Homeland, the Emperor and all the
privileged classes of the country.

What was the policy of the Republicans and the "electoral left"? They were
against the revolution, which in their view would represent the division and
weakening of Official France1, they defended the parliament (National Assembly)
and they were against the general armament of the people. Bakunin, in "Letters to
a Frenchman" (1870), analyzes the votes of parliamentarians of the so-called
French left who voted against the legalization and sale of arms and ammunition
during the period, a position that he assesses as frankly reactionary, which
aimed to maintain the monopoly of violence by the state and left the people
disarmed in the face of invasion .

What Bakunin pointed out was that the ruling classes in France were leading
capitulation to the Prussian invasion, which was consolidated with the armistice
in 1871. For such classes, Prussian domination would be a lesser evil compared to
arming the people and running the risk of popular uprising. Prussian domination
would maintain property and order in subordinate France, and the burdens of that
domination would be laid on the exploitation of the French people, as indeed
happened with the heavy taxes imposed by the nascent German Empire, paid by the
proletariat.

In this sense, the bourgeoisie, the aristocracy and the Empire, all of Official
France, acted in a surrendering way, that is, capitulating to the interests of
external powers to the detriment of the interests of their own people. However,
in front of the armistice signed by the parliament, Paris rebelled; and in the
face of popular insurrection, the National Assembly, of monarchical-bourgeois
composition, declared the repression of the movement, marking the complete
rupture and war between the Paris Commune and Official France in conjunction with
the Prussian army.

Transform imperialist war into civil war

Barricade The Paris Commune May, 1871. Andre Devambez, 1911.
Bakunin defended that the imperialist war should be transformed into civil war,
as the only way to defend the People's France and defeat the Empires. Such a
policy would later become famous in Lenin's phrases, which guided the Russian
revolution, "Turning imperialist war into civil war", and clearly refers to the
policy of the Commune2 which had been politically elaborated by Bakunin even
before the communard uprising, in the document "Letters to a Frenchman" (1870).
In this writing, he makes a detailed analysis of the French situation, pointing
to the path of civil/popular war, of the general armament of the people, of unity
between workers and peasants, of the organization and federation of popular
communes, as the only solutions to the advance of imperialism and of barbarism.

This anarchist line concerns the relationship between anti-imperialist politics
and class struggle. Polemizing with the Bakuninists, hegemonic in the workers
movement in Italy in the 1870s, the Italian nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini
(1805-1872) claimed that the example of the Paris Commune brought disunity to the
Nation because it was based on a division between interests, that is, , in the
class struggle. For Mazzini, the Italian people should forget their particular
aspirations in the name of the "general interest" of the Fatherland.

Bakunin, unlike Mazzini, defends that this class antagonism was natural and
healthy, considering that all the nation's wealth had been produced from the
exploitation of capital over labor. Thus, exploitation and the international
alliance of capitalists had as a counterpoint a necessary and natural alliance of
workers, demarcating an antagonistic social situation. The internationalization
of strikes was a symptom of this process.

Another aspect of this issue is that the "world of work" asserted itself as the
workers' real homeland. Bakunin here points out an element that appears in all
his thinking: the real and material homeland as a synonym for common interests.
Thus, the working classes and peoples of different countries were much closer to
each other than to the bourgeoisie of their own countries. As we see in the
excerpt below about the Paris Commune:
"[...]the borders of his homeland have expanded, to the point of encompassing
today the proletariat of the whole world, opposed to the whole of the
bourgeoisie, including, of course, the French bourgeoisie. The statements of the
Paris Commune are, in this respect, categorical; and the sympathies expressed so
clearly by French workers today with the Spanish Revolution, especially in
southern France, where there is a clear willingness of the proletariat to
fraternally ally itself with the Spanish proletariat and even form with it a
People's Federation, based on free work and collective property, despite all
national differences and state borders" (BAKUNIN, 2003, p. 45-46)
AIT and Commune

Paris Commune Decree
The role played in the Commune by the International Workers' Association (AIT)
and by the anarchists has been systemically neglected by hegemonic
historiography, in particular with regard to the work of those associated with
the Alliance of Socialist Democracy. The Paris Commune is part of a long journey
of labor struggles in France and clashes between the people and the ruling
classes during the II Republic and III Empire. Furthermore, the episode of the
Commune is not limited to the revolutionary experience of Paris, since between
the years 1870-71 almost a dozen cities in France rose up, forming communes with
an anti-statist program and in defense of workers' self-government. The first of
them, the Commune of Lyon, had Bakunin as one of its main dynamizers.

The Bourgeois Revolution of 1848 reinstated the Republic in France. Inserted in
the set of European revolutions in that same year with broad popular support,
nicknamed "the springtime of the peoples", this regime lasted for 4 years, and
quickly left its bloody mark in the repression of workers in the "days of June ".
The people's revolt against the closing of the National Workshops, work spaces
for the unemployed, a conquest of the revolutionary process, is brutally
suppressed, counting between 1500 to 3000 dead, who resisted raising barricades
in Paris.

Embracing the teachings of the final consequence of collaboration between
classes, the people withdraw support for the Republic, which, once unstable, will
fall into the hands of the monarchic reaction with the formation of the III
Empire, by a coup d'état by Napoleon III, constituting a regime no less
unpopular, but more sincere. This intensified the construction of workers'
associations, societies of resistance and mutual support and political clubs
throughout France, even when these were considered illegal.

Some of these groups ended up contributing to efforts in the construction of the
AIT, which was born out of correspondence and international workers' meetings
dating back to 1864. The first local sections and adherent organizations grew, as
is the case of the Federation of Parisian Workers' Associations, founded in 1869
with the contribution of Eugene Varlin, supporter of the Alliance.

At the same time, through socialist propaganda and AIT's international
congresses, the discussion around agendas related to working conditions, the
promotion of cooperativism, the suppression of private land ownership, the
general conditions of women and children and discrimination based on race and
citizenship. These same guidelines, and even more radical ones, would appear in
the decrees and resolutions of the Paris Commune.

In addition, the pamphlet and journalistic agitation becomes the norm throughout
this phase from 1848 to 1872, newspapers being born and dying on an almost daily
basis in times of greatest activity. A concrete example is the emblematic case of
the newspaper "Le Cri du People", responsible for the dissemination of the AIT
program, whose editor, Jules Valles, was an associate activist of the AIT, and
which would later become the main newspaper of the Comuna.

It is estimated that the AIT in Paris, in the days of the Commune, would have
between fifteen nuclear militants (Bakunin, 2006) to five dozen already in 1871,
but if we count all the members of labor organizations that adhered, we have to
point to a gigantically larger number . Among the delegates elected by the
municipalities to the council of the commune, delegates who could be revoked at
any time, there was a socialist minority, but it concentrated an enormous
political force.

Most were radical Jacobins. Consequently, they formulated proposals that were
only as socialist as possible from the point of view of those who, two months
earlier, would not revert to this form of thought (Bakunin, 2006). However, the
reality of events shaped his thinking and served as a laboratory for several
theses. Even so, the climate of improvisation and the need for a more
consolidated union organization did not allow us to go further.

The participation of anarchist women and the AIT was decisive, drawing crowds of
women into the associations and barrels at various times. Women's participation
was also present in municipal commissions and in the revolutionary fuse itself on
March 18, 1871. Women's participation on that date pressured the desertion of
soldiers who had been sent with government orders to steal Parisian artillery
during the process of peace with Germany. Instead of shooting at the people,
several soldiers deserted in favor of the insurgents, some of whom turned their
officers over to the people's justice.

Following the example of the construction of women's unions, the Women's Section
of the AIT sent a delegate, Elizabeth Dimitrieff, as a representative to the
Paris Commune, to reaffirm the popular alliance with the insurgents. Together
with Nathalie Lemel, also from the AIT, she would build the Union of Women for
the defense of Paris. Another revolutionary woman, Louise Michel, becomes an
anarchist and collectivist militant in the course of the insurrectionary process
and has contributed tirelessly on several fronts, most notably the Union of Women
for the Defense of Paris, claiming equal rights as proletarian, militia and
non-reducible to a condition of housewives. In his words:
"I came down from the hill, with my shotgun under my coat, shouting: Treachery!
We thought to die for freedom. We felt like our feet didn't touch the ground. If
we died, Paris would have risen. Suddenly I saw my mother next to me and I felt a
terrible anxiety, restless, I had arrived, and all the women were there.
Interposing themselves between us and the military, the women threw themselves on
the cannons and machine guns" (MICHEL, 1973)
Thus, it can be said that the initiating role of the AIT and Alliance staff in
the movements enabled the Paris Commune to enthusiastically adopt several of the
central agendas of its program, but the non-consolidation of these bodies made it
difficult for the most promising realization of the tasks to which they set
themselves.

Commune Teachings on War and Revolution, Class Struggle and the National Question

Louise Michel
The subsequent revolutionary situations, in Russia (1917) and Spain (1936),
express well the need to understand the dialectic between War and Revolution, and
Class Struggle and National Question, posed by Bakuninist theory. Both processes
took place in contexts of imperialist war (1st and 2nd world war, respectively)
and had, as in the Commune, a great appeal from the bourgeois republicans and the
social-democracy for "national unity" against the "external threat" and the
defense of that the revolution should be left for a later time.

The victory of the Russian revolution expressed, at first, what Bakunin had
defended decades earlier: that only the anti-imperialist popular war associated
with the social revolution, raising the masses in the countryside and in the
city, would have the strength to establish a new socialist society and stop the
war of the imperialist powers. The Spanish case represented the other version,
the policy of collaboration between workers and the republican bourgeoisie of
"win the war and then make the revolution", which led to defeat both in the war
against fascism and in the social revolution.

This same conception is behind the demands of the Brazilian Social-Democracy for
the unification of all efforts in the struggle to prioritize the electoral defeat
of the Bolsonaro government, so that only later can they speak of revolution...
if they do. But we already know that they will never speak and that they could
not speak, since parliamentary alliances with the "democratic bourgeoisie" have
always condemned workers to serve bourgeois interests and deviate from their
particular, class interests.

Faced with so many challenges in the 21st century, such as socioeconomic and
pandemic crises, ultra-monopoly capital and the imminence of new
imperial-colonial wars, revolutionary anarchists must rescue and deepen our
tradition of socialist and anti-state defense of the Popular Communes of more
than 150 years without reducing it to generic "slogans".

This rescue must form part of a strategy of reconstruction of the revolutionary
mass movement, with class independence, federalist and internationalist, as in
France in 1870; as well as rebuilding an international alliance of revolutionary
anarchists.

This strategy has already found its first elements in the present. Different
traditional peoples and proletarian organizations are moving towards the
internationalization of struggles for territory and autonomy, for economic and
political independence. In this construction, we can look at the development of
popular power in the federal councils of the Federation of Northern Syria -
Rojava, in the autonomous Zapatista territories, in the Mapuche territorial
resistance fronts, among other uprisings that are taking place in different parts
of the world. In them, the war for liberation is combined with the construction
of territorial autonomy and workers' self-government, in a process similar to
that of the insurgent workers of the Paris Commune.

In Kurdistan, the advances made by the field of democratic confederalism show
that war and revolution are tasks that cannot be treated separately. In the
jungles of Chiapas, the Zapatista communes form a basis for the expansion and
reorganization of the internationalist workers' movement. In common, these
movements understand that the struggle for the liberation of peoples is something
necessarily internationalist, impossible to be successful in isolation, and point
to autonomous non-state solutions connected with advanced self-defence tactics.

For us revolutionary anarchists, it is time to anchor ourselves to our
theoretical principles forged in the battles of the working class, supported by
contemporary struggle experiences. It is time to overcome the confusions that for
so long denied the core of anarchist theory, and, armed with the right tools, to
rebuild the internationalist workers' movement.

The contemporary anti-colonial uprisings that today configure the most advanced
fronts of workers' struggles, through a long trajectory of trial and error,
arrived, not by chance, at conclusions very similar to those of the allianceists
in the analysis of the facts of that May 1871 in Paris, where the workers dared
to burn the pillars of their exploitation and build with their own hands
everything that concerns them.

This is our task to honor the memory of the Commune and, above all, organize
today the historic action of liberation to build a present and a future of
Socialism and Freedom.

Erect hundreds, thousands, millions of Communes in the world! References:

BAKUNIN, Mikhail. Oeuvres - Volume II. Paris, Stock, 1907. (Library Sociologique,
n° 38).
BAKUNIN, Mikhail. Statism and Anarchy. São Paulo: Nu-Sol: Imaginary, 2003.
BAKUNIN, Mikhail. The Paris Commune and the Notion of State. Verve. São Paulo, v.
10: p. 75-100, 2006.

Read also: The Paris Commune and the Notion of State, by Mikhail Bakunin
Anarchist Library Series - Vol.I by UNIPA - Popular Anarchist Union

https://embate-copoap.weebly.com/

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Message: 4



Interview with Analía Pérez, Edgardo Diz, Pablo M. Pérez, Christian Capurro of
the Argentine Libertarian Federation - IFA ---- Social and economic inequalities
---- International Relations Commission - henceforth CRINT: In Argentina too, the
government has decided to implement very strict quarantine measures. Similar
measures have generated new inequalities and social crises in Italy. What can be
said about the situation over there? ---- Analía Pérez, Edgardo Diz, Pablo M.
Pérez, Christian Capurro of the Argentine Libertarian Federation - henceforth
AEPC: The measures here were not rigorous, they were only applied in early 2020
and now, in April 2021, with the second wave of infections to an even lower
extent than in 2020.

Two elements stand out in this region of the world. On the one hand, the
paradoxical advantage of underdeveloped countries far from the place where the
pandemic began is that we have a few weeks ahead to see what will happen to us,
looking at what is happening in European countries. The second characteristic is
that the weight of informality in the economy and society, added to unemployment
(35% of the economy is "in the black" and there is 12% unemployment) prevents the
application of rigorous mechanisms of control such as fines or penalties.
Furthermore, the movement of workers is important for the rich sectors to
maintain their normality (a complaint that emerged at the beginning of the
restrictions was that domestic staff could not take care of cleaning the homes of
the rich).

In March 2020, the government decreed, with widespread support, a rigorous early
quarantine (when there were only 128 cases and 3 deaths), in order to buy time
and prepare the health system. All non-essential activities were paralyzed,
companies had to pay wages, and layoffs and evictions were prohibited.

A week after the decree was signed, one of the largest companies in the country
laid off 2,000 workers. The capital has denied the government in the eyes of all
and has made it clear that it would not give up even a part of its profits in the
face of the imminent health care CRINTsi. Since then, the most direct
representatives of concentrated capital have launched a campaign against the
isolation measures. The discussion of the legitimacy and necessity or not of
quarantine has become central to the debate.

Right-wing political parties have been able to capitalize on the discontent and
frustration that the situation has generated, gaining supporters over the past
year. The right's strategy pursued a dual purpose: to maintain economic activity
so as not to give up profits, regardless of the number of deaths among workers,
and to use those deaths incidentally to strike the government, accusing it of the
failure of its health policy.

Faced with this scenario, the government, more interested in avoiding
confrontation with this sector than in satisfying the needs of the population,
has gradually opened up its activities, keeping the capacity of the health system
to the limit but preventing its collapse. The goal was no longer to prevent
deaths but to tolerate them to a certain extent so that the economy could
continue to function.

The real problem in this pandemic period is not the restrictions implemented by
the state, but which sectors have been most affected by the pandemic and these are:

1. Those who were excluded from the restrictions because they were considered
essential and had to continue working throughout the period, exposing themselves
to the infection. Currently most of the activities are running almost normally,
not just the essential ones.

2. Workers of the informal economy and unemployed who, because there is less
economic activity, find less work. Obviously then the people who live on the
street, who are barred from any kind of health care.

3. Workers in general, who are inevitably exposed to contagion in public
transport and unsafe activities, whose salaries are then reducing due to
inflation (in 2020 it was 36.1% and food 42% - Indec data ). At the same time,
due to the risk of contagion, they have less chance of demonstrating,
associating, protesting and lobbying.

We did not perceive new inequalities but rather an accentuation of the already
existing ones. The distribution of wealth shows that the poorest 10% of Argentina
participate in 1.5% of the country's income and the richest 10% receive 31.7%. In
percentage terms this means a proportion of 2200% between the first and last decile.

31.5% of the population is considered poor (9 million people), i.e. they live on
the equivalent of less than 240 euros per month while another 3 million people
are considered poor, i.e. they do not cover the basic food basket and they
survive on the equivalent of less than 95 euros a month. (Source: Instituto
Nacional De Estadísticas y Censos. 3/2021).

The government expects economic growth of 7% in 2021 but, due to the structure of
wealth distribution, analysts believe that almost none of this growth will reach
the poorest sectors.

In repressive matters, beyond some isolated symbolic measures (such as the repeal
of a resolution of the previous government which authorized the police to shoot
people in case of escape or if outnumbered and which generated situations of
maximum impunity ), there is a continuity in the maintenance of the repressive
police apparatus, a state policy that is maintained in governments of different
tendencies.

At the beginning of the quarantine (the phase with the strongest restrictions on
circulation and movement), it was the prerogative of the police forces to
supervise compliance with anti-contagion measures, thus promoting the
accentuation of the usual class violence of the police and subsequently
concealing acts of violence, murders or the disappearance of the young Facundo
Asturdillo Castro by the Buenos Aires police. Tasers have also been enabled for
special federal forces groups in districts such as the city and province of
Buenos Aires.

In the midst of the quarantine, a revolt broke out by the Buenos Aires police,
which behind the request for a salary increase has actually given a show of force
against any possibility of greater political control over their autonomous power
and their condition of impunity. The government not only granted the wage
increases, but announced the Security Strengthening Plan for the province of
Buenos Aires, with a budget of 38 billion pesos, in the form of construction of
new prisons, the acquisition of patrol cars. and other supplies, to finance the
recruitment of another 10,000 police officers in addition to the 96,000 that
already exist. In a word, the additional budget was given as a prebend to the
sector to increase its firepower.

The inhumane conditions in which prisoners live and the additional risk generated
by overcrowding (without the privileges enjoyed by repressors, genocides and
other "VIP prisoners") have been denounced since the beginning of the pandemic.
In a context of 130% prison overcrowding where almost 50% of inmates do not have
a sentence, the building conditions are more than precarious, in some places
there is no drinking water, and the judicial appeals have been closed for
quarantine. House arrest, assisted release or other alternative measures have
been proposed at least for the sector most at risk. The issue occupied a place on
the political agenda but was hidden and postponed by the media and the
government, which discharged the responsibility to the judiciary and juridical
power. The massive calls for protection generated pressure, but neither judges
nor officials wanted to expose themselves to the political cost of such decisions
and nothing was done about it. Riots and protests broke out in prisons demanding
appropriate measures. They responded with repression: five people were killed in
the prisons of Santa Fe and, in the provinces of Corrientes, Florencio Varela and
Jujuy, four young people were killed with lead bullets by members of the prison
service.

The project to send detainees for "minor" crimes under house arrest has been
overturned by the right and its journalists, who have finally made the issue
visible but with a sensational campaign tormented by false news. The rejection of
these measures has increased and become widespread. Although they are always
questionable and biased, polls show that around 80% of the population opposes the
"release" of prisoners. The penetration of punitive doctrines into society is
alarming, the product of decades of fascist propaganda that feeds fear and
presents the CRINTmine as an out-of-control monster.

In February of this year, accompanying a hunger strike of prisoners in various
prisons in place at that time, the demands of the prisoners have regained
strength: the relatives of persons deprived of their liberty have camped and are
maintaining a permanent garrison in front of the court . The three three powers
of the state are asked to act in the face of this situation of vulnerability,
supporting the requests of the detainees, which fall within the legislative
guarantees but in fact it is the state itself that blocks them. Accompanied by
militants but invisible to the media, the garrison is supported with great efforts.

CRINT: What measures have been implemented at different levels of the state
administration?

AEPC: The chronology of the restrictive measures and their implementation can be
seen in Wikipedia in detail.https:
//es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medidas_sanitarias_por_la_pandemia_de_COVID-19_en_Argentina#Cronolog%C3%ADa

CRINT: Have there been direct repercussions on the public and private education
system?

AEPC: Argentina is a very large territory with different realities, however half
of the entire population is concentrated in the Municipality and in the province
of Buenos Aires1.[1]Now let's try to explain the general situation in these two
places.

Throughout 2020 the lessons in the three levels (primary, secondary, university)
were virtual, there was no attendance in schools and universities. This situation
was deemed necessary as the public health system is totally reduced and weakened
and is unable to cope with a massive number of hospitalizations. During that
time, the state devoted part of the budget to improving the health system and
claimed the result of never having suffered shortages of ICU beds.

This situation, in turn, implied that the teachers worked from home, bearing the
costs that the school had to bear. For students, this has meant an increase in
inequality as sectors that have technology, good connectivity and comfortable
homes to study have a great advantage, while the vast majority of families have
no computers or connectivity and live in difficult conditions. The Escuela Libre
de Constitución, which shares the premises with the Argentine Libertarian
Federation, also suffered this situation during 2020.

In 2021, schools started providing semi-attendance lessons, a condition that
appears to aggravate problems rather than solve them. In fact, in most schools,
students have a virtual week and a face-to-face week. However, the courses are
not complete but half of the students per week participate (most of the courses
are numerous in public schools). Teachers, however, in the city of Buenos Aires,
must always attend and give virtual lessons from the same school, even if the
students are not present at that time. It is a measure that is only applied to
supervise teachers and does not make pedagogical sense.

In April 2021, with the second wave of infections, the health system is reaching
saturation, with 90% of the ICU beds occupied. Faced with this situation, the
national government has imposed the cessation of lessons in attendance but the
right-wing opposition refuses to comply, assuming the defense of companies that
want the economic machine not to stop.

In turn, the safeguards against contagion imply a retreat towards the more
archaic forms of school discipline: students must be turned away, they cannot
relate, they cannot borrow books or things, they must have a highly regulated
behavior. The school assumes practices based on "social distancing" perfectly
compatible with the competitive individualism of capitalist roots. A remarkable
paradox opens up, since taking care of others consists in not relating or sharing.

The more or less bureaucratized teachers' unions are trapped in demobilization,
atomization (there are eleven unions in the City of Buenos Aires alone), the lack
of assemblies and the scarcity of relationships between members, since virtuality
is not one a unifying tool and the street struggle has diminished due to the fear
of contagion. On the other hand, teachers' salaries suffer from rising inflation
and poor stamina.

CRINT: Are there any CRINT gender issues that need to be highlighted?

AEPC: After the approval of the law that legalizes abortion, in December 2020,
the huge and heterogeneous feminist movement seems to have entered a moment of
demobilization produced, in part, by the precautions against possible contagions.
It is difficult to know what will happen after the pandemic but the cases of
femicide are not decreasing and the struggle of women can be expected to continue
steadfastly, as in every situation of abuse their voice and their presence are
remarkable. The issues related to the care of the sick fall more on women, who
have largely had to deal with the pandemic and are also involved in supporting
the domestic economy. In turn, forced coexistence during the rigorous quarantine
phase exacerbated the problems of domestic violence,

Flexibility of work

CRINT: In Italy, teleworking was an opportunity that employers took advantage of
to further attack the rights of male and female workers. How did these tensions
develop in Argentina? Were the trade unions and corporations up to par? Have new
forms of abuse and precariousness of workers emerged?

AEPC: Teleworking in Argentina occupies a relatively small sector of the world of
work. The biggest problem involves unemployed and unemployed people, 12%, and
informal workers, 35% of the population who have irregular work, without
contributions to pensions or health, without the possibility of joining a trade
union, with great job instability and low income. With this huge reserve army of
manpower, formal sector workers have little room to fight, as they can easily be
replaced.

At the same time, most unions are large bureaucratized apparatuses, some function
as companies, with their own employees and their own leaders. They are generally
immobile. Everyone is in some sort of social truce, with the pandemic as a
pretext and, although sectoral conflicts break out, most of the unions are tied
to the current government and do not want to generate any conflict that
destabilizes it.

A new form of insecurity is the possibility of having the resources of employees,
such as their connection to the electricity grid, their internet service and
non-compliance with the limits of the working day.

Particularly noteworthy is the beginning and growth in recent years of a new form
of exploitation: companies that, through a mobile application, manage the
delivery of meals at home, by bicycle or motorbike. Given the closure, the
turnover of these businesses grew by 400% during the pandemic. With the deception
of presenting their workers as self-employed workers and the company only as an
intermediary, they keep their employees under a regime that differs slightly from
that of an irregular worker: without health protection, or fixed salary, no
insurance for accidents at work, or a mutual fund, or paid sick leave or other
rights. The workers of the sector are organizing themselves. In the middle of
last year they led an international strike which has been replicated in Brazil,
Mexico, Chile and Costa Rica.

Social organizations and political participation

CRINT: Some important social organizations have played a fundamental role in the
formation and consequent triumph of the electoral front which is currently in
charge of the Executive. Given that we can already speak of an undisputed failure
in the management of policies by the government, what attitude are social
organizations taking?

AEPC: The existence of such a high percentage of informal workers out of the
total and of so many unemployed reduces the strength of the trade union movement
but has produced the emergence of large social organizations that are in contact
with the trade unions. Most of the social organizations are linked to the
government, but there is also an important sector that responds to the Trotskyist
parties and is in opposition, as well as some @ militant @ of the libertarian
movement. Both sectors receive state subsidies that allow families to survive,
build popular economy businesses and gain some bargaining power.

The social organizations linked to the government maintain a waiting position and
are divided by intensity of support, but they all collaborate in preventing by
any means the return to political power of the right-wing parties that governed
the previous phase. This right-wing front seems determined to regain its
importance even at the cost of the risks that an irresponsible attitude of
opposition can entail during a health emergency, questioning the existence of the
virus first, the effectiveness of vaccines later, operating as the managers of
large laboratories at this time and continually appealing to the most primitive
selfishness of the human being to obtain some political profit and sow hatred
among the poor population, in contrast to any idea of solidarity and the notion
of collectivity.

CRINTNT: Also, despite the difficult context, have positive experiences been
generated or consolidated that deserve to be highlighted?

AEPC: During 2020, confinement to prevent infections revitalized the circuit
known as the "popular economy". This dimension wants to relate @ consumer @
directly with small productions (both vegetables and various products) and
support self-management and anti-exploitation paths. The movement is very diverse
but has managed to establish a network of relationships that act as an antidote
to isolation, favoring the construction of networks of solidarity. Perhaps this
is one of the richest experiences that serves as a counterweight to the uncertain
situation. Mutual support activities have also been managed or developed in the
most vulnerable neighborhoods which, driven by need, are the seed of new
community buildings that shelter under the heat of popular pots.

Parallel to the insufficient attempts of the government to maintain access to
housing (suspension of evictions, prohibition of increasing the amount of rents),
there has been the phenomenon of land occupation in the peripheral areas of
Buenos Aires, which has meant resistance to historic inequality in land
distribution for housing in Argentina. The most important occupation, Guernica,
due to the organizational quality it has been able to develop and the media
notoriety it has achieved, has been brutally evicted by the security forces, who
have spared no resources in showing the disciplinary nature of the provision.

This phase of the pandemic seems to present a situation of impasse in the
struggles and street demonstrations, this does not mean that they do not exist,
conflicts and resistance are permanently recorded; however, there is the feeling
of being in a dead time, in a pressure cooker, which will reveal its truth upon
opening. When will we be able to go out onto the street.

FAI International Relations Commission

NOTE

[1]The Municipality of Buenos Aires (CABA, Ciudad Autónoma of Buenos Aires) is an
autonomous federal state. It is not an integral part of the territory of the
Province of Buenos Aires (which is a different federal state) and is consequently
not even its capital. The AMBA (Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires) is made up of
the Municipality and the territories of the Province which represent a continuity
in terms of urban agglomeration but does not correspond to any specific
administrative entity. The Province of Buenos Aires is the district with the
largest population in the country. (NdT).

Related Posts:
It supports the X congress
IFA Congress in Frankfurt (updated)
The general strike and its prospects
Against capitalism and dictatorship, for internationalist solidarity
  libertarian federation argentina * ifa * international

https://umanitanova.org/?p=14236

------------------------------

Message: 5



In 2014, some 327 Jewish Holocaust survivors and their descendants condemned,
through a letter published in The New York Times, the massacre of the Palestinian
people that was taking place in Gaza at the hands of the State of Israel, "We are
concerned about the racist dehumanization of Palestinians in Israeli society,
which has reached extreme levels. In Israel, politicians and opinion leaders in
the media have made public comments in favor of genocide ", rightly warned those
who felt the stigmas of fascism in their own flesh, knowing how to recognize the
unequivocal symptoms of a society that is heading towards the complicity of a
genocide.

The state of Israel knows very well that the dehumanization of the Palestinian
people in the collective intelligence of Israeli society is the first step
towards complicity and indifference in the face of their indiscriminate massacre,
since the dehumanization of a people ironically translates into in the loss of
humanity on the part of those who consent, otherwise it is not explained how the
images of tiny corpses of Palestinian children charred by the bombings fail to
arouse a wave of indignation in the majority of the Israeli people who, in turn ,
put it on its feet to overthrow such a regime of terror. The objective of the
Israeli state is clear and evident, to forge a sociopathic civil society
incapable of feeling any empathy, stripping it of all sensitivity towards the
pain of the Palestinian people. That is why today we can affirm, without fear of
being mistaken, that the ruling political class of Israel successfully replicates
apartheid even within its borders, with decades erecting walls around the Israeli
Arab population, reproducing the South African Bantustans in a millimeter way. It
is then, the state of Israel, doubly guilty, since it instigates the ethnic
cleansing of the Palestinian people while keeping the humanity of Israeli society
itself hostage.

Una vez más, la mayor parte de los medios de comunicación juegan al despiste,
intentando justificar lo injustificable, aludiendo a las acciones de Hamás -más
simbólicas que efectivas-, que se dedica a jugar su papel en el intrincado
tablero geopolítico de Oriente Medio -al igual que la ANP, Irán, Arabia Saudí,
etc- y a quien poco importa la realidad del pueblo palestino, una muestra de ello
es la brutal represión ejercida en 2019 ante las protestas por la carestía de la
vida. Es así que el pueblo palestino es doblemente mártir, atenazado y exprimido
hasta los extremos más crueles, desde dentro y fuera de Gaza. Nada justifica el
bombardeo, asesinato y tortura de la población civil, así como tampoco hay
razones que puedan justificar el ataque a los edificios de agencias de noticias.
El infierno que padece el pueblo palestino no se limita a su desmembramiento,
tortura y muerte física. Tras décadas de bloqueos y conflicto son varias las
ONGŽs que advierten del aumento de enfermedades y problemas mentales entre la
población palestina, con el agravante de no contar con los recursos materiales ni
humanos para paliarlos, fruto a su vez de esta misma política de bloqueo israelí,
que retroalimenta la barbarie y la miseria, al igual que la pescadilla que se
muerde la cola. De este modo el estado israelí no solo niega un presente, sino
que dinamita la posibilidad de un futuro a un pueblo palestino asfixiado.
For all these reasons, we show our support to the Palestinian people, feeling
their pain, while we appeal to that part of the Israeli people that has not yet
been dispossessed of their humanity to rise up in popular clamor in order to
overthrow the tyrants who sow death among their Palestinian brothers, thus
managing to illuminate a future free of walls and bombs, full of equality and
social justice.

For a free and equal Palestinian region
For anarchy

Iberian Anarchist Federation

https://grupoanarquistatierra.wordpress.com/2021/06/01/negras-tormentas-en-gaza/

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Message: 6



In May 1921, most of the anarchist clubs in Moscow were closed by the Bolshevik
authorities as a result of mass arrests of members of anarchist groups. During
the same month, 66 repressive operations against the anarchists took place in the
country's capital. At least one of them - a group of anarchists led by Ivan
Kruglov, worked at Moscow Machine-Building Plant No. 5 (formerly Bromley). ----
In May 1921, the Bolshevik authorities closed most of the anarchist clubs in
Moscow as a result of the mass arrests of members of anarchist groups. ----
During the same month, 66 repressive operations were carried out against the
anarchists in the country's capital. At least one of them - a group of anarchists
led by Ivan Kruglov, worked at Moscow Machine-Building Plant No. 5 (formerly
Bromley).

In Omsk, about 30 members of the region's Anarchist Federation were released.
They were arrested a month earlier, in April. During the liberation, it was
suggested by the Siberian Office of the Central Committee of the Republic of
Kazakhstan not to give these anarchists political and other rights. Nevertheless,
in the same month, most of those released, led by Siberian anarchist veteran
Yevtikhiy Klyuev, formed a new anarchist group in Omsk with a clear agenda. There
was also a minority formed by a group of Ecumenical Anarchists who demanded the
legalization and return of their library confiscated during the arrests that same
month.

The action of the anarchist group led by Ivan Novoselov resumed in the village of
Sorokino in the Barnaulsky district of Altai province.

The First Ukrainian Meeting of the Bolshevik Party adopted decrees to strengthen
the party leadership and to attend military seminars and other activities for the
"fight against robbery", ie the revolutionary movement. Relevant documents show
that training was provided for the formation of strike teams, the development and
implementation of plans for the disarmament of a village, the isolation of
"gangs", the organization of self-defense units, intelligence services and more.

In May 1921, 353 rebels and 1,352 deserters, mostly former Makhnovites,
surrendered in the province of Ekaterinoslav. Among other things, the former head
of the secret services of the Revolutionary Army of Ukraine, Feodosius Vinnik,
surrendered under amnesty. In exchange for saving his life, he immediately
offered the Czech men any of his services, including the organization of Makhno's
assassination.

In the neighboring province of Zaporizhzhya, in May 1921, a group of former
Makhnovites who had benefited from the amnesty called on the guerrillas to
surrender their weapons.

On the same days, one of the commanders of the Makhnovit army, Philip Mikheevich
Krat (1886-1921), who came from a rural family in Walkfield, was killed.
Anarchist communist since 1907. In his youth, he worked in factories. In the
spring of 1917, he was elected secretary of the communist organization in
Gulyay-Pole, and was also a member of the Gulyay-Pole trade union. He joined
Makhnovtsina in November 1918, and became commander of the 3rd Zadneprov Brigade
and the Ukrainian Revolutionary Army (RPAU) in the late 1919s to early 1920s. .

Krat was killed along with the villager Gulyaypol Tyhenko (his real name and year
of birth remain unknown), who in the autumn of 1918 fought on the front lines
near the villages of Pologi and Tsarekonstantinovka. Later, he served as head of
the supply department at the headquarters of the 3rd Zadneprovsky Brigade and the
RPAU staff.

In the same month, May 1921, Nikita Chaly was shot dead in the province of
Ekaterinoslav. He was a young farmer from the village of Zalivnoye in
Alexandrovsky County, Ekaterinoslav Province. He lived in Gulyay, where he joined
the anarcho-communists in 1917. From the autumn of 191 he was co-commander of the
3rd Zadneprovsky Brigade of the RPAU. According to Machnos, he performed all his
duties excellently at our headquarters in the Bolshemikhailovka (Dibrovka) area.
Eventually, he joined the Russian army with a number of hundreds of fighters. By
the way, Chaly is considered to be the main source of information about Makhno
for Colonel Gerasimenko, who began writing The Belogovardian Notes, a collection
of the most ridiculous rumors about Makhno and Makhno's personality. In October
1920 Chaly learned of the true attitude of the RPAU (Makhnovist army) towards
Wrangel, wanted to reunite and received forgiveness from his comrades. He
participated in various struggles, while creating new divisions of the Makhnovit
army. After violating the second military-political agreement with the Bolsheviks
in late November 1920, he fought against them in Alexandr County until he was
arrested.

Despite the problems, Makhnovtsina continued to fight. In the same province of
Zaporizhzhya, in May 1921, guerrillas killed more than 200 Bolshevik officials
and police.

And something about the Russian and Ukrainian anarchists who emigrated, mainly to
the United States at that time. In May 1921, a group of Russian
anarcho-communists in New York published the only issue of Call of Anarchists in
memory of Peter Alekseevich Kropotkin. The 4th issue of the "monthly communist
anarchist organ", as it presented itself, of Wave magazine was published the same
month. The version was moved from Cleveland to Detroit. The great concern of the
publishers of "Wave" was the process of forming a Federation of Russian
Anarcho-Communist groups in the United States and Canada.

* Source: Anatoly Dubovik. Translation: Neither God nor Master.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32326

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----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1



June 1, 2021 was International Children's Day. As in a few years before, various
groups from Leipzig organized Youth Day to draw attention to the neglected
situation of young people during the corona pandemic but also in the capitalist
system in general. You can find more information about the event, the idea behind
it and the call here
.https://fightforyourfuturele.noblogs.org/post/2021/05/19/aufruf-1-6-2/ ---- Dear
children, dear young people, dear comrades, ---- All of them have suffered
greatly from the corona pandemic and the measures associated with it in recent
months, but no age group has received as little protection and attention as the
young people. But especially among children and adolescents, the suicide and
depression rate has increased so massively since 2010 as in no other population
group. During the pandemic, feelings of depression increased and many teenagers
said they were often lonely. This isolation is not just a short-term constraint,
but an enormous cut in the social, personal and health development of young
people. Solidarity was preached with the elderly, and the youth showed
solidarity. However, our needs, which differ from those of adults, were
classified as irrelevant, until politicians could use them for their own
purposes. She was supposedly concerned, but changed nothing. One thing quickly
became clear: the rulers don't really care about young people. Whether in school
or university, young people were exposed to high risks because the government was
too busy taking care of economic interests. While pupils were forced into
classrooms without air filters and adequate hygienic care, they had to deal with
allegations of corona party, which made adolescents responsible for increasing
incidences. This lack of interest was excused on the basis that children and
young people are less at risk of seriously contracting or dying from Corona. The
risk may be less But the fear of infecting friends or relatives is all the more
real. So much the bigger. And the fear of the Long Covid Syndrome, which can also
occur after a weak course, was inevitable.

When we don't have to go to school or work, we hang in front of a screen to study
for university. A university that we have seldom seen from the inside since
mid-2020, the existence of our fellow student: we almost forgot inside beyond the
screen. We are no longer alive, we just exist. And while the offices, the
factories and the schools remained open, every meeting in the park was
criminalized, every leisure activity was banned as far as possible. And this
although it has long been proven that the risk of infection outside is very low.
However, none of these problems are caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, they are
only brought to light.

The cause lies in a broken system that neither pays attention to our needs, nor
listens to our voices, and marks our opinions and worries as childish and
therefore unimportant. Adolescents are viewed as a mere resource waiting to be
harvested. We are worthless until we are able to invest 80% of our time in wage
labor. We have been trimmed towards this goal since we were six years old, in an
education system from which our funds are gradually being withdrawn. This
inevitably not only leads to rows of teachers, but also students who suffer from
burnout syndrome. Not even 18 years old! This shows how little children and young
people are worth in our patriarchal-capitalist society.

Notice only as the next cogs in the capitalist machine. This pejorative attitude
particularly reflects the disdain for people who are read by women. Not only are
they still given most of the unpaid care and reproductive work. As long as the
upbringing of children is mainly done by women who read women, children are
dependent on their social position, and vice versa. Only when young people within
the patriarchy leave the reproductive sphere assigned to them and begin to work
are they taken seriously. Only when young people have to leave their youth behind
to face the "seriousness of life" do they become socially relevant.

We cannot and must no longer tolerate these abuses! Because young people
shouldn't have to worry about their future, they sho

https://leipzig.dieplattform.org/2021/06/02/ihr-braucht-uns-nichts-zu-erklaeren-unser-redebeitrag-zum-tag-der-jugend-in-leipzig

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Message: 2



Speech by FNB Zizkov at a demonstration of solidarity with the resistance against
the junta in Myanmar ---- We have gathered here today to express solidarity with
the people who are protesting and fighting against the military dictatorship in
Myanmar, especially solidarity with the members of several FNB groups operating
in the country. Food not Bombs is a worldwide movement of which we, as
FNB-Žižkov, are part, and consists of autonomous groups that provide vegetarian
and vegan food for free to all who need it, without distinction. We are thus
trying to make visible the value of interpersonal solidarity and mutual
assistance and to protest against social inequalities, poverty, armaments and
wars. These are global problems caused by a system that knows no borders,
although its manifestations may differ, just as the ways in which it affects us
may differ.

At a time of global covid crisis and the associated economic and social
repercussions, it is proving again and again that it is interpersonal solidarity
and interconnected networks of mutual assistance that we can truly rely on.

While we distribute food to dozens of people, FNB Myanmar members provide basic
food and protective equipment to hundreds of refugees in camps or workers in now
closed factories. While we are dealing with occasional police bullying, the FNB
in Myanmar is facing severe police repression and military violence. Some of the
members are in prison, and one was shaken by a repressive force during a
demonstration. We can point out the shortcomings of the system quite publicly,
but the people from Food not Bombs in Myanmar are being persecuted for their
actions and must operate in secret.

However, we must not forget that the problems of Myanmar are not as separate and
distant from us as it might seem at first glance. Fossil companies, benefiting
from the devastation of entire ecosystems and the destruction of the health of
countless people, such as France's Total, Chevron of the United States, Posco of
South Korea and Malaysia's Petronas, support the military junta with considerable
sums. Together, these companies are spending more than a billion dollars to
destroy more lives. While weapons killing protesters in Burma travel from the
United States, Germany, Russia, China and Israel, the UN has still not been able
to impose an arms embargo on the country. And we must not forget how Western
companies such as Zara, H&M or Adidas exploit their workers in Myanmar. They're
just striking workers from clothes factories, who, even under normal conditions,
work to a minimum and now find themselves completely without resources. Above
all, our solidarity must be geared towards them.

Related links:
In Prague against the junta
Our demands are immodest
Solidarity with protesters in Myanmar
A3: Against the junta in Myanmar
"We need global solidarity"
A call for international solidarity with the Civil Disobedience Movement
"We do what we believe in. We believe in what we do. "
Solidarity with those fighting the coup in Myanmar

https://www.afed.cz/text/7390/problemy-myanmaru-nejsou-tak-vzdalene

------------------------------

Message: 3



International: From Colombia the comrades once affiliated to FORA send us an
update on the revolt in Colombia ---- It is a month since the National Strike in
the Colombian region, a month of State terrorism marked by the sharpest
repression that has been experienced in recent years, and that is saying a lot in
a region dominated under the Colombian State in which Last year 76 massacres were
carried out with a balance of 272 people murdered, according to official figures
from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and where
the under-registration of missing persons since the start of the strike is at 341
and since 1958 it has reached the worrying figure of 82,472 victims.

The National Strike has reached 30 days with more than 1133 victims of physical
violence, more than 60 deaths, 10 of them yesterday in Cali, 1445 arbitrary
arrests, 47 victims of eye damage or loss, 22 victims of sexual violence, more
than 175 cases of firing of firearms by armed civilians accompanied by the
national police.

All this within the framework of a struggle in the streets and highways, where
the State at the head of President Iván Duque has established the usual script,
pointing out the protesters as vandals, and of being under the orders of illegal
armed groups. The treatment given to the social outbreak is to create the scene
of a frontal war against the ethnic, neighborhood, student and union
organizations that have remained in the streets and highways mobilizing against
years of criminal policies of the governments of the day that have been under the
hegemony of Alvaro Uribe Velez, former president investigated multiple times for
crimes against humanity such as the so-called "False Positives", that is, 6402
extrajudicial executions of civilians killed by the military forces to present
results and obtain benefits.

The protests that began with a call from the National Unemployment Committee , a
platform that brings together the main workers 'centrals, pensioners'
organizations, the main teachers 'union and some peasant and truckers'
organizations; They have grown in actions in the street, thanks in large part to
the young people who have seen direct action in the street as their main field of
protest.

Although the union bureaucracy represented in the National Unemployment Committee
is in spaces of conversation and mediation with the institutions of the State,
the streets have maintained a level of belligerence and organization far from
these old methods of conciliation of the bureaucracy. Resistance spaces have been
organized in different parts of the Colombian region such as Cali, Bogotá, Buga,
Popayán, Bucaramanga and anothers, where the methods of struggle go through
horizontality, direct action and mutual support. It is important to highlight the
relevance of the first lines as a method of containing police violence, where not
only young people, but also teachers, mothers and even priests are organizing
under this figure, which has accumulated a fairly important level of resistance
and legitimacy at this juncture, even in some places like Cali, they are
legitimate and recognized interlocutors with government authorities.

The situation today after 1 month is bittersweet, since there are still deaths
and injuries by protesters in confrontations with the public force, in addition
to impunity in the face of war practices such as attacks on verification
commissions of Human Rights in the streets, as well as the medical missions that
aid the wounded, also the methods of terror such as power cuts and internet,
pressure from paramilitary groups, judicial assemblies to protesters and methods
of censorship such as restrictions on the live broadcast of protests. On the
other hand, the reasons for the so-called National Strike have spread; The
withdrawal of the tax reform with which the protests began, also the withdrawal
of the Health reform, can be counted as achievements of the mobilization,

These are small achievements because we know that the government pressured by big
businessmen will always seek to carry out reforms to increase their interests
while workers and their families continue to suffer from poverty of more than 40%
of the population. The demands that are heard in the streets and highways now
range from the request for the resignation of Ivan Duque and his entire cabinet,
the demilitarization of the territories, structural reforms to the military and
police forces, the non-judicialization of the people who have been captured in
the framework of social protest, the effective implementation of the peace
agreements signed between the FARC-EP and the Government, guarantees for social
and environmental leaders in rural and urban territories, stop the spraying with
glyphosate and fracking, among many others.

We know that we are living a historic moment as a result of years of State
terrorism and criminal policies of precarious living conditions for millions in
the countryside and cities. At this time we see the accumulated strikes of 2018
and 2019, and the social outburst of 2020. Far from ending the protest is at its
highest points of repression and state crime. Unfortunately, the forms of
organization are still widely dispersed and without a clear horizon, but anger
and assembly methods are latent in a people that seeks to change its doomed
history in search of a good life.

Finally, I would like to invite all those who are reading to closely follow the
process that the Colombian region is going through, since the guarantees of
protest and life in front of the repressive State do not exist, and an example of
this is the denial of these systematic practices on the part of the Minister of
Defense and the Commander of the Police. Only the popular organization and
international observers can register a genocide that is being committed at this
time. The dissemination and internationalist actions of pressure against the
Duque government are essential for the process we are living through.

Here is a list of alternative media and human rights organizations that have been
recording the demonstrations:

Communications Media:

http://-facebook.com/ccsubversion
http://-facebook.com/ColombiaInforma
http://-facebook.com/revista.hekatombe
http://-facebook.com/noticierobarrioadentro
http: // -facebook.com/contagioradio
http://-facebook.com/conlaorejaroja

Human Rights Organizations:
http://-facebook.com/tembloresong
http://-facebook.com/DerechosdelosPueblos
http://-facebook.com/indepaz
http://-facebook.com/ObjetivLibertad
http: // - facebook. com / fundacionddhhPASOS

Trade Union Organizations:
http://-facebook.com/larojaxlapaz
http://-facebook.com/TJERpensamientocritico
http://capital.fora.com.ar/30-dias-de-lucha-en-la-region-colombiana/

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Message: 4



Being young in 1834 he left the army to move to Moscow and then to Western
Europe, finally falling back to Paris -after having been expelled from several
countries for being linked to other revolutionaries-. In Paris he will establish
a relationship with Marx, Engels and Proudhon, drawing on their discussions and
elaborating the first philosophical-theoretical proposals of anarchism. After
participating in the Dresden insurrection in 1849, he will be arrested, sentenced
to death, then to life imprisonment and finally extradited to Russia in 1851,
where he will end up in the prison of the Fortress of Saint Peter and Saint Paul
in Saint Petersburg, remaining almost 6 years until the Tsar confines him to a
forced labor camp in Siberia. From Siberia he will flee to Japan, then to Panama
and finally to the United States, where he is received by the first organizations
of the incipient American labor movement. Finally, he will land in England and
Switzerland, where his role will be fundamental in the foundation, first of the
International Fraternity in 1860, and then, in 1868, the International Alliance
of Socialist Democracy (ADS) - along with figures of the stature of José
Pellicer, Rafael Farga, James Guillaume and Giuseppe Fanelli among others -
beginning to install the proposal of the anarchist political organization, a
primary tool to influence a program and a revolutionary strategy in social
struggles and the labor movement. The ADS had a distinctly anti-statist,
socialist, and "gender equality" program. Through the ADS it was intended to give
a definite anti-statist direction to the 1st International of Workers, which
quickly generated the dispute with the statist proposal of Marxism and a
subsequent breakdown of the anarchist sectors of it. Living in Switzerland, sick
and poor, Bakunin died on July 1, 1876.

https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100063547308480

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Message: 5



A year now, with the outbreak and spread of the covid-19 pandemic, its global
management has highlighted in the most obvious way the criminal nature of the
state and the capitalist system. Neoliberal management comes to terms with the
harshest terms of an economic and social restructuring that crushes the lower
classes, impoverishes much of the population, and has as its primary concern the
maximization of the profits of the powerful and the preservation of the
privileges of the economic and political elites. ---- The Greek state and the
management of the pandemic by the far-right neo-liberal government of New
Democracy are part of this general framework. There has been no concern for human
life and the treatment of thousands of cases, with the health system left to the
intensive efforts of workers and the ICUs suffocatingly full. At the same time,
no request has been made for the private clinics claimed by the health
professionals since the beginning of the pandemic, as this would be in conflict
with the private capital, while no substantial measures have been taken to
strengthen the health system. At the same time, unemployment is rising and most
of the unemployed, although part of the working class are abandoned to their
fate, Workplace conditions are constantly deteriorating and deteriorating,
especially in large factories, while in public transport, which transports
thousands of workers, pandemic protection and containment measures are in place
at least a year later. At a time when the largest percentage of employees is on
contract suspension and mandatory teleworking. At the same time, the list of
"accidents" and deaths is constantly growing. In the last month alone, 2 employer
crimes occurred resulting in the death of 5 PPC employees (3 in Evia, 2 in
Kozani). At a time when the largest percentage of employees is on contract
suspension and mandatory teleworking. At the same time, the list of "accidents"
and deaths is constantly growing. In the last month alone, 2 employer crimes
occurred resulting in the death of 5 PPC employees (3 in Evia, 2 in Kozani). At a
time when the largest percentage of employees is on contract suspension and
mandatory teleworking. At the same time, the list of "accidents" and deaths is
constantly growing. In the last month alone, 2 employer crimes occurred resulting
in the death of 5 PPC employees (3 in Evia, 2 in Kozani).

Under this treaty, the government, after the bill for the reduction of
demonstrations, the anti-environmental law and the new education law, is
preparing to bring to a vote a new bill for labor, insurance and trade union
action, which is in fact a continuation and specialization of the labor
polynomial plan that had passed during SYRIZA. The specific bill is an attempt to
abolish the working hours of 8 hours and attempts to institutionalize the
(already) unpaid overtime which it offsets with leave and breaks. At the same
time, attempts are being made to target and limit strikes and the radical demands
of the labor movement. Movements that have been constant demands of the ruling
class for a long time,

More specifically, it is provided that the employer will be able to "by
arrangement" employ the staff for an additional two hours a day and then these
hours will be offset for the next corresponding period with reduced hours or with
breaks or days off. It thus tries to establish individual contracts for the
working hours of each employee. At the same time, the annual overtime ceiling is
increased to 150 hours per year. To date, the maximum is 48 hours per 6 months
for employees in industrial and craft enterprises and 120 hours per year in other
sectors. This will also apply to work on Sundays and of course without a pay
rise, which was valid until recently. Therefore employees will work longer hours
and have lower wages. The flexible working hours in combination with the increase
of the overtime limit will reduce the labor costs for the companies at the
expense of the employees, ie their income will be reduced. The bill, at the same
time that it violates the 8 o'clock, attempts the criminalization of the trade
union action and annuls the right to strike. This is done in practice by
electronic voting, a 40% increase in security staff, the employer 's right to
lock-out and a ban on occupying or blocking the entrance to the workplace. It
therefore nullifies fundamental trade union freedoms through the targeting of
strikes and labor and trade union mobilizations as well as workers who resist,
with recent examples of the vengeful dismissals of the health workers who fight
daily.

It is obvious that this law comes to stifle all labor rights and conquests as
well as to target the world of struggle and the resistance organized from below,
the strikes of the grassroots unions, the class initiatives, the mobilizations of
collectives and collective organizations. The only real prospect of living with
dignity is our social, political and class organization. With grassroots unions,
workers' councils, disorganized, unmediated, horizontal and anti-hierarchical
formations, together students, pupils, workers, the unemployed, give the
workplace, schools, schools, neighborhoods and streets the battle of the class
and social struggle. The solution is always in the way of the struggle, for the
social and class counterattack,

Against wage slavery, employer terrorism and state repression

We advocate class solidarity, we defend our labor rights and our conquests, we
take our lives into our own hands

Ruthless, unmediated social and class struggles until the social revolution,
anarchy and libertarian communism

Gathering - Intervention Tuesday 8/6, Korai Square - opposite the Ministry of
Labor - at 18.00

General Strike Thursday 10/6

Local Coordination of Athens - FROM / OS

https://landandfreedom.gr/el/agones/412-athina-pl-korai-8-6-18-00-sygkentrosi-paremvasi-enantia-sto-antergatiko-nomosxedio-a-p-o-o-s

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Message: 6



One of the themes of the 133rd weekly protest of the yellow vest movement in
France on May 29 was the anniversary of the Paris Commune. 150 years ago, on May
28, 1871, the Versailles punishers seized the last barricade of the Communards,
suppressing an attempt at a social revolution in blood. To commemorate the
continuity between the revolutionary traditions of the past and the protests of
the present, the "yellow vests" staged demonstrations in Paris and Montreuil. The
movement's protests took place in other cities of the country as well. ---- In
Paris, the march of the "yellow vests" began at 13:00 at the Picpus metro station
in the 12th arrondissement and reached the Place de la République, where it
connected with a joint action in memory of the commune, which was organized on
the initiative of 89 public associations, groups and initiatives. By 15.30 the
protesters arrived at the Père Lachaise cemetery, to the wall of the Communards.

Those gathered at the Pikpus metro raised posters and banners, among which one
could see the following: "150 years of the Paris Commune 1871-2021", "Communards,
we go to freedom." The demonstrators, as usual, were surrounded by gendarmes and
their vans. To the beat of drums and chanting "We are here", "We are not tired",
the demonstrators marched down the Rue Saint-Maur, where they handed out leaflets
to passers-by and visitors to street cafes. At about 2:20 p.m. they joined the
gathering in Republic Square. A huge crowd, dressed in red, moved towards Père
Lachaise, where they honored the memory of the Commune
(https://blogs.mediapart.fr/ceinna-coll/blog/300521/gj-acte133-paris-29mai-lesfedereslacommunevivante?userid=1e4fd445-3f36-499c-8b97-859d118db8a5
)

In continuation of the Parisian manifestation of the "yellow vests",
environmentalists from Extinction Rebellion and the Libertarian Communist Union
organized a popular festival in Montreuil on May 29 at the Place de la Fraternity
from 6 pm to 9 pm. Music performers performed (Johnny Montreuil, Fanfare
invisible, Tarace Boulba, etc.), prepared a barbecue, a bar was open, a
historical scene was shown (Raspouteam). The next day, May 30, not far from the
square, in the AERI hall on rue Étienne Marseille, educational and cultural
events were held: lectures on the commune and today's conflicts and social
protests (
https://faisonsvivrelacommune.org/celebrons-la-commune-a-montreuil-les-29-et-30-mai/
)

In Lyon, hundreds of protesters in yellow vests gathered for a regional
demonstration at 2 pm in Place Bellecour. At 15.00 the motorcade moved along the
Gayeton embankment towards the university. Slogans against the Macron regime were
chanted.

"It is important to defend the public domain and public services (...) We are
neither for Macron, nor for Le Pen, we are for the people," explained Eric, one
of the organizers of the action, which was held under the motto "One year before
the end of your world." "There is no more democracy for us," the audience said.

The demonstrators headed towards the Place Jean Mace. "We are here, even if
Macron does not want it," sounded through a megaphone. Crossing the University
Bridge, the "yellow vests" headed along the Claude Bernard embankment. At about 4
p.m. the audience quietly dispersed, ending the procession in the 7th
arrondissement of Lyon
(https://www.leprogres.fr/social/2021/05/29/pres-de-500-gilets-jaunes-manifestent-place-bellecour)

The demonstrations of the "yellow vests" took place in Charleville-Mezieres
(after several months of absence) and other places.

https://aitrus.info/node/5711

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