The libertarian communist organization develops and disseminates a social
project. As members of UCL we are convinced that it is the oppressed andexploited who play a central role in social transformation, without vanguard or
party in the driver's seat. We are also convinced of the need to come together
and organize on two levels. ---- On the one hand, the social field, with all the
oppressed and exploited, to build and organize struggles (trade unions,
feminists, anti-racists, environmental, territorial, etc.). As a result, the
social movement, which groups together around the defense of common interests, is
a political actor in the sense that it defends elements of a social project. On
the other hand, the political field, where organizations structured around their
political choices intervene. The libertarian communists also defend their
political choices, on the one hand within these social and popular movements and
on the other hand in the debate and confrontation with other political forces:
autonomy and independence of the social movement vis-à-vis the powers and
parties, self-organization, direct democracy, direct action, combativeness,
solidarity and mutual aid, internationalism. The two fields of our intervention,
between which we do not pose any form of hierarchy, enrich each other.
Our practices within the struggles must allow a progression of anti-capitalist,
anti-patriarchal, anti-racist and anti-statist consciousness and the
establishment of concrete solidarities. Also, the democratic society that we want
to build will result from a rise in the combativeness of people undergoing one or
more systems of domination, and will materialize by the generalization of checks
and balances.
The class struggle and the action of the libertarian communists
There is no hierarchy between struggles and if our intervention in the class
struggle is fundamental, the proletariat is not a uniform class despite common
living conditions and experiences, as developed in our Manifesto ("A motor: the
class struggle", An inclusive approach, p. 4). This is why we speak of the
exploited and the oppressed.
Within this mechanism of exploitation, various forms of oppression reign. The
sexist organization of work concentrates the female proletariat in a restricted
and stereotypical number of professional sectors, and the relegation of
racialized women to the most poorly paid, arduous, even illegal jobs (cleaning
worker, nurse's aide, person, childminder). It is to allow each and everyone to
find their place in the counter-powers that we think of the oppression and the
crossing of these oppressions.
Solidarity between all the exploited and all the oppressed is structured from the
aspirations and needs that are expressed within the working classes, in the
diversity of situations experienced and by seeking to overcome contradictions.
resulting. This fight is waged from the places of organization of the popular
classes, places of life and places of work, aiming to fight all forms of
divisions (electoralists, corporatists, identities etc.).
The society we are fighting is dominated by a capitalist class, systemically
patriarchal and racist. All of these systems feed off and reinforce each other.
The struggles against these systems of domination must be carried out at the same
time and are therefore of fundamental strategic importance. As our Manifesto
states: "The fights for professional equality between men and women, against
racist or LGBTIphobic discrimination at work, or for the rights of undocumented
workers are therefore an integral part of the class struggle[...] ".
Our action within the trade union movement
The trade union tool is the preferred mode of organization for workers, including
those deprived of jobs, precarious workers and students, and our class tool for
improving our living conditions. From a revolutionary anti-authoritarian
perspective, getting organized in order to restart production (in energy for
example), transport, services (etc.) is essential for the workers' movement in
the broad sense.
Against us, we have increasingly fierce employer and state repression but also
the resignation of the greatest number. Within the structures, the vertical,
authoritarian and bureaucratic operations, the traps of integration and
co-management and those who want to make the union the transmission belt of their
parties are also a reality and are historically responsible for union division.
It is necessary for our current to work for union development and to promote
within union structures: their class character, openness and solidarity with the
forms of self-organized struggle that the exploited give themselves, mistrust of
the institutions and the balance of power assumed against them, the importance of
inter-professional solidarity, the importance of confederalism, the structuring
adapted to new forms of work organization, the handling of all oppressive
relationships the work in work collectives.
From an anti-capitalist and self-management perspective, we must work to ensure
that the unions seize social issues beyond the sole field of work to promote a
break with the distribution "to the union the immediate demands, the social
project to the parties". The union must be structurally capable of organizing the
precarious as well as the self-employed victims of exploitation.
To reduce the precariousness, it is to weaken the employer's power. This central
concern is fostered when the precarious come out of isolation, unionize and
campaign, thus concretely embodying their status within the unions. The question
of the unity of struggle unionism, in a context of pressure from the
co-managerial unions, seems just as essential.
Many underpaid and often precarious activities are carried out by people of
color, in particular non-white and / or migrant women. Trade unionists must now
fight against the racist and sexist division of labor and support the tools that
will allow women and minorities to defend themselves and build their demands. The
construction of single-sex spaces as a space for expression, sharing and
elaboration is one of them. Only the creation of specific power relations
allowing the effective taking into account of the demands elaborated in these
spaces will be able to lead us to an improvement of our living conditions here
and now.
Our action within other fields of the social movement
However, class conflict is not only experienced in the world of work. We cannot
in fact reduce individuals to this single dimension, all the more so since it is
for many partial, non-linear or even inaccessible or excluding. Many of us are
forced to live with other important subsistence requirements, the accumulation of
precarious jobs as well as periods of social minima with the administrative
constraints that this implies.
Other forms of organization and struggles are chosen by people from our social
camp and we must not cut ourselves off from them. Our action must therefore focus
on the world of work and trade unionism but also and at the same time on all
other fields of social struggle: environmental, feminist, anti-racist movements,
defense of LGBTI rights, defense of freedoms, solidarity direct, production and
distribution networks, collective struggle for basic needs (housing, food, access
to healthcare, leisure, etc.).
The fact that comrades militate in these organizations or collectives is to be
encouraged. In addition, we must encourage, when relevant, an appearance of UCL
as such. This can popularize our current and facilitate connections with people
who are not politically fixed and often open to the practices and proposals that
we may have.
It therefore does not seem necessary to us to modify our statutes. On the other
hand, we need to invest much more in the places where our organization is
developed by strengthening all of the UCL intervention committees to discuss and
produce content and tools. We believe that each person should be able to join the
commission of their choice. We are therefore not in favor of compulsory
registration in the two youth or work committees. It is the material conditions
of existence, the struggles waged on a given field, their relevance and their
coherence that will lead an individual to join one commission rather than another.
Direct solidarity, alternatives, popular education
It is important that we can act on the economic and social consequences linked to
the health crisis we are going through. We noted in particular during the first
confinement the inability of capitalism and the State to take care of a number of
basic needs, but we also noted that the capacity for action of our social camp
was limited. In times of crisis, it is all the more useful what contributes to
the increase in the well-being of the exploited and the dominated, while
preparing for full emancipation.
The question of direct solidarity in times of crisis must therefore mobilize us
to ensure, together, that everyone can find or regain the capacity to act.
Our current militant roots should allow us to breathe and / or create dynamics in
the area of solidarity and direct democracy, popular education and
self-management. Initiatives around food, agriculture, food distribution networks
exist, we have our place there.
A non-sectarian relationship with social movement organizations to affirm
practices and ideas
We must effectively have a non-sectarian and open relationship as activists of
the social movement. The collectives of struggle in which we participate bring
together people who are not necessarily in phase with our project and our
analyzes. To play politics is precisely to move lines in people who do not agree
with us, in the struggle, but it is also to learn from others, to overcome our
shortcomings and to complete our analyzes by confronting them with questions.
'other experiences than ours; it is up to us to define what is acceptable or not
and to reject what is contrary to what we defend. Our ability to act within the
social movement, to move the lines, to demonstrate through our work and our
practices that we can count on us, are all elements that popularize our
revolutionary project.
However, each time we need to assess how to increase the balance of power,
massify protests, stimulate self-management operations, increase mistrust of
institutional approaches and opposition to electoral aims, push the battle for
anti-capitalist and anti- ideas. statists without doing it to the detriment of
the struggle, integrate the question of relations of domination.
Through this involvement, we are reaching out to a diversity of people with
different political cultures. We therefore have an important role to play in
bringing together cultures of various struggles and different networks. Thus, the
UCL can also serve as a bridge between the struggles of the world of work and of
political protest as a whole.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?L-intervention-des-communistes-libertaires-dans-le-mouvement-social-une-vision
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten