Mèo Mun is an anarchist collective working to make anarchist materials and ideas
more accessible to a Vietnamese audience, together with providing an analysis ofsocial struggles from a Vietnamese anarchist lens. Over the next hour you'll hearthree collective members, Mai, Will and tùng share their critiques of leftistmisrepresentations of the Vietnamese State as Socialist, lasting impacts ofimperialism and war on populations of Vietnam, the centering US imaginaries ofVietnam, the struggles of working class people in general (and queer folks andsex workers in particular) in Vietnam, nationalism promoted by the government andother topics.TFSR: Would you please introduce yourselves with any names, preferred genderpronouns, affiliations or political identities as make sense for thisconversation? Can you tell us a little about... is it pronounced Mèo Mun?Mai: Yes, it's pronounced Mèo Mun. I'm Mai, I use any/all pronouns. I don'tparticularly use any political label, but I adhere to many anarchist principles.Will: My name is Will. I use they/them pronouns. I'm an anarcho-communist.tùng: Hi, I am tùng. I use any/all pronouns, I am an anarchist against the stateand capitalism.TFSR: Thanks for being here!So, I am excited to have this conversation with you, thanks for making time andeffort to chat! As anarchists from Vietnam, could you give us some highlights ofthe history of libertarian anti-capitalist and anarchist ideas and movements inVietnam and what the milieu looks like today? And what sorts of topics andengagement drive those groups?Will: As a preface, we are quite cut off from our roots. Many of us had lived fordecades until we even heard of the word that encompasses our ideas and ways oflife. The elaborate and complex history of the struggle for liberation in 20thcentury Vietnam is painted with a single stroke: you were either a patrioticStalinist or a reactionary traitor, a colonial, fascist collaborator. TheMarxist-Leninists who now rule the country only came into power by systemicallyeradicating all the other oppositional currents, labeling them traitors, and soyeah, of course they'd like to have a clear black and white narrative, of coursethey'd like for there to be no nuances; they'd look kind of bad otherwise andthat'd weaken their grip on power. So, documents about anarchism or generalradicalism in Vietnam, that divert from the State's narrative are usuallyinaccessible in Vietnamese, either as hard copies, or scattered around obscurecorners of the internet. That's why we are on our very own bumpy road to learnand reconnect with our roots.Historically, anarchism in Vietnam never grew into a wide-spread politicalmovement. However, the struggle against the state, particularly states of themost populous ethnic group-the Kinh / Viet-can be traced all the way back tofeudal times. Ethnic minorities living in upland Vietnam have been resisting theKinh / Viet state's expansionism for a very long time. James C. Scott remarks inthe book The Art of not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland SoutheastAsia that many aspects of their cultures and ways of living can be read asanti-state and anti-authoritarian, meaning that they have, in a way, longpracticed the tradition of keeping the state at arm's length, out of theiraffairs. Their struggles continue until this very day, and we have much to learnfrom them. We must stress, though, that we should not retroactively apply thelabel "anarchist" to these groups and their practices, nor should we call whatthey do "anarchism." As Simoun Magsalin, our Filipino comrade, observes about theanarchist milieu in the archipelago: we should be critical of the anarchistequivalents of a "noble savage" trope, and the search for a "pure" indigeneityunspoiled by the State that decolonization can return to. In the same vein, wehave before criticized the idea popular amongst many Marxist-Leninists, thathomophobia in Vietnam is solely a product of Western colonialism, and pre-Frenchcolonial Vietnam was a haven for queer people. Oof.Anarchists, as well as radicals influenced by anarchist principles, alsoparticipated in the struggle against colonialism and imperialism of the 20thcentury. For example, under the yoke of French colonialism, the radical Nguyen AnNinh called for the youth of Vietnam to "reinvent itself and take control of itsown destiny." He critiqued the Confucian family values of parental authority,gender inequality and traditional morality, encouraging people to "break with thepast and free themselves from tyranny of all kinds." He fought side by side withother anarchists and libertarian communists such as Trinh Hung Ngau and Ngô Van(a former Trotskyist), in the labor movement. But as we've mentioned before, theStalinists came into power by systematically eradicating all the radicals fromoppositional currents like the anarchists, and indeed the Trotskyists who werebrutally slaughtered. Ngô Van, the former-Trotskyist-turned-council-communist whowe mentioned earlier, went on to produce many materials critical of theauthoritarian, counter-revolutionary nature of the Stalinists after fleeing theirpersecution to France.Mai: As for the contemporary anarchist milieu in Vietnam, it is extremelyvulnerable and atomised. We simply don't have contact with other groups, eventhough there might be quite a few out there. Those groups might wisely want tokeep more to themselves rather than reaching out, since state repression is quitesevere. This is a challenge for us, as one of our goals is to find a way for Vietanarchist groups to safely connect, communicate, and exchange experiences, ifthey so wish. Another reason is that our milieu has been chronically isolatedfrom the milieus in other countries. There are many reasons for this lack ofinternational interaction, such as language barriers and, again, staterepression, but also a relative lack of support, solidarity and understandingfrom the Western left and anarchist community. We believe that anarchism, as amethod of revolution, cannot be applied successfully by an isolated group, inother words, without international solidarity. The exchange of information andideas, as well as the interlinking of our struggles are absolutely essential forthe mutual strengthening of anarchist communities. And so, at the moment,building coalition with other milieus in South East Asia is one of the tasks thatwe prioritize. It's also why we really appreciate the opportunity you have givenus here on the podcast today!Having said that, we are aghast that in many leftist circles in the West, Vietnamis painted as this Socialist haven where people think and act like a hive-mind,and the only ones speaking against the state are reactionary traitors, or CIAagents. So-called anarchists are paying to be fed those lies; so-calledanarchists are capitalizing on those lies. We've lost count of how many times wehave been fed-jacketed without any evidence whatsoever, and the people exposingus to harassment and doxxing got away scott-free. This stems from how thestruggles in Vietnam and other over-exploited countries have been ignored by themajority of Western leftists for decades, especially when we can't be used asammunition in their own political discourse. This makes talking about ourexperience in Vietnam all the more dangerous, and it actively discourages anyonewho might start speaking out.As we touched on a bit before, organizing outside of the state framework inVietnam, whether online or on the ground, is dangerous: the threats of policeviolence and incarceration are always looming over us and our loved ones. Manyleftists seem to think of Vietnamese police as heroic defenders of the workingclass. It really shouldn't need to be stated, but no, they're not. Vietnamesepolice exists to protect the State and capitalist property in Vietnam. Policeviolence and deaths in custody in Vietnam are a well-documented reality. InVietnam, the ruling party holds all executive, legislative and judiciary power.Cops don't even need a court subpoena to enter our houses. Commoners like us growup being taught to stay away from cops and everyone is used to bribing them. Asfor the law, there is a clause against the making, storage and spreading ofmaterial for the purpose of opposing the state and you could be sentenced to 5 or12 years, if you're caught.Speaking from personal experience, many Viet anarchists seek out anarchismbecause we are marginalised in other ways on top of being exploited bycapitalists as workers. Within Mèo Mun, many of our members are queer, disabled,and/or young. Some were radicalised while trying to organize rather unfruitfullywithin the liberal framework. Some have cited the horrible abuse they havesuffered under the education and medical system. Some used to organize asMarxist-Leninists, simply because Marxism-Leninism is synonymous with Communismin Vietnam, but then can't reconcile their reality with such an ideology anymore.So queer liberation, youth liberation, as well as disability justice and care aresome of the passions that keep us going.And also, I think I forgot to introduce a bit about Mèo Mun as a collective.Would it be possible for me to do that now?TFSR: Of course!Mai: Ok, so Mèo Mun is an anarchist collective working to make anarchistmaterials and ideas more accessible to a Vietnamese audience, together withproviding an analysis of social struggles from a Vietnamese anarchist lens.Specifically, we do the work of archiving, translating, and disseminatinganarchist texts, which can be found on the online Southeast Asian Anarchistlibrary. There is also a very gradual translation of English Wikipedia pagesrelated to anarchism into Vietnamese. You know, because Wikipedia tends to be thefirst place people come to for a basic understanding of new concepts. We try toreach a wider audience on social media as well, and we write and speak to educatepeople on what our experiences in Vietnam are like. The anarchist milieu inVietnam is very atomized, so one of our goals is to connect Viet anarchiststogether, and provide a safer space for them to express themselves and exchangeideas, without fear of state repression, or mass harassment from statists andnationalists. Naturally, we make an active effort to include Viet anarchists inthe diaspora in our organizing.Individually, our members also participate in feminist, queer liberation, youthliberation and prisoners solidarity organizing.TFSR: Awesome, thank you so much for the really thoughtful answers you've beengiving, very clear.So, you've already spoken on the pervasiveness of the police state and mentionedcapitalist property and some other things in Vietnam. I would love to hear yourperspectives on the political and economic direction of the State of Vietnam. Anessay of yours that caught my attention is entitled "The Broken Promises ofVietnam" in which you argue that the "Socialist Republic of Vietnam" is notactually socialist. You describe similar instances of neo-liberal nationaleconomic infrastructure development taking precedence over preserving ecosystemsand leaving intact indigenous communities, let alone general public health. Youalso describe a government wielding a Nationalistic vision of citizens thatexcludes ethnic and sexual minorities and that allows for billionaires to risewhile the working classes and peasants are displaced. Can you talk about this,about those broken promises and who are some communities most imperiled by theNationalistic tenor of the CPV?Will: So, in terms of politics, Vietnam is a crony Capitalist country. Thesuccess of a business depends entirely on how well they could navigate theunofficial channels of the state, on their relationships with the government orParty members and how much money they are willing to spend on bribery.Officially, Vietnam is dubbed a Socialist country, but the class stratificationcan be observed in our everyday life. We have a so-called "People's" billionaire,Pham Nhat Vuong, who, allegedly, built his empire from shaking hands withgovernment officials to hoard land at a dirt-cheap price. He owns a total of $7.3billion in assets, equivalent to the total assets of about 800,000 Vietnamese (onaverage). Very Socialist! Not to mention that Vietnam also has many otherbillionaires, enough to have a Shark Tank show right on national television. Thevery first promise, that the commoners who sacrificed everything for Vietnam'sliberation would be directly in charge of it, was shattered the very moment theVietnamese government came into being.The current Secretary of the Communist Party also openly praises capitalism,spicing it up with some superficial lukewarm critiques of capital! He said, and Iquote: "We acknowledge that Capitalism has never been as global as it is todayand has achieved many great achievements, especially in the utilization anddevelopment of productive capabilities and scientific-technological progress."So, we're just supposed to ignore all the toils the working class hashistorically and currently endured under capitalist Vietnam, for a Communism thatmay never even come! The end justifies the inhumane means, apparently.As for nationalism, we mentioned it in the article "The Broken Promises ofVietnam," but if you speak up and criticise the State, no matter how valid yourpoints, how copious your evidences, you will be seen as going against theVietnamese people, the Vietnamese nation, because the government has a vestedinterest in confusing party loyalty with the very natural and precious love thatwe have for our culture and fellow Vietnamese.And as you know, nationalism sells the lie of a trans-class solidarity, that weViet workers have more in common with Viet capitalists like Pham Nhat Vuong,rather than with fellow workers from China, Cambodia, Myanmar, or indeed the US.While in reality, Vietnamese capitalists and government go hand in hand withcapitalists the world over to brutally exploit Vietnam's cheap labor and naturalresources. This can be observed in the outsourced manufacturing of electroniccomponents and textile products to Vietnam, in the many Special Economic Zonesthat are mushrooming all over the country. There can't ever exist any meaningfulsolidarity between us, between the capitalists and the working class, and thepeople in power are understandably frightened that the workers in Vietnam wouldone day see through this gross lie.Consequently, they are dead-set on stoking the nationalist flame in Vietnam.That's why career communists based in Vietnam spew absolute nonsense like"nationalism is crucial to communism in Vietnam." Actually, Vietnamesenationalism is crucial to Vietnamese capitalism and authoritarianism. And theindoctrination process starts young.Let's examine the 5 commandments that Uncle Ho, Ho Chí Minh, taught Vietnamese youth:1. Love your Fatherland, love your compatriots.2. Learn well, work well.3. Good unity, good discipline.4. Good hygiene.5. Be modest, honest, and brave.These are hung in almost every classroom in Vietnam (usually with a photo ofUncle Ho). Many students are forced to learn them by heart. What comes first inthese teachings? "Love your Fatherland." Your fatherland comes before yourcompatriots. Children, who have not yet understood the concept of a "Fatherland,"let alone fully grasping what loving a Nation-state implies, are taught to puttheir "Fatherland" before themselves, before their family and friends. The nextcommandment: "Learn well" and "Work well." For whom? In our opinion, also foryour Fatherland, which is to say, for the state and the capitalists.If you dare to question any of that, you'd likely be branded a traitor, areactionary, a fake Vietnamese. If you dare to be "lazy" and not "work well," youare a burden on society (disabled veterans in Vietnam are literally called"invalids;" we have "The Ministry of labor - War Invalids and Social Affairs").The purpose of Vietnam's education system, in our opinion, is to shape studentsinto obedient workers or cogs in its capitalist machine, similar in essence toany other capitalist education system.Also, many well-known authors whose works are featured in Vietnamese textbooksalso incessantly preach nationalism and the idolatry of political figures likeUncle Ho, Lenin, and yes, Stalin. A 1993 poem by To Huu, famed Vietnamese poet,reads:"Oh, Stalin!Alas, do the earth and sky mourn Your departureIf I'm to love my father, my mother, my husbandand myself one, then I love You ten."So, "I love you three thousands, Stalin." Ouch! That's not very good...Consuming products from Viet brands and Viet media is widely considered"patriotic." Which makes non-consumption unpatriotic. How convenient for themarket economy! Oh and, not only Viet media, but also foreign media which usesVietnamese labor. In 2018, a Hollywood blockbuster was filmed in HaLong Bay,Vietnam. The film set was then utilized by the authority as a tourist attraction.The whole issue of how that movie depicts US soldiers in Vietnam and local peopleasides, as we read about and cheer for the ongoing IATSE strike, we can't helpbut wonder if Vietnamese actors, extras and crew hired in film productionsoutsourced to Vietnam are compensated fairly and equally compared to their UScounterparts. Fun fact: there hasn't been a legal strike in more than 25 years inVietnam. The General Confederation of labor, which is supposed to represent theinterests of the workers, hasn't been organizing strikes, and so all the strikesthat did take place were illegal. It's apparently unacceptable for the workers toorganize and demand better conditions for themselves; a workers' struggle is onlylegitimate in the eye of the state if the state can control its direction.Mai: A field where nationalist sentiments are particularly intense is sport,mainly soccer. There was this photo of a person holding a portrait of Uncle Ho ata soccer match, which went viral a while back. That photo was said to be theevidence that Viet people love Uncle Ho. What was conveniently not mentioned ishow the sport scene in Vietnam is one of the best showcases for how poisonousVietnamese nationalism is.Rampant on Vietnamese Social Media is the xenophobic attitude when our nationalfootball team have a match, especially with other Southeast Asian teams. If thereferee makes a decision that's unfavorable for the Vietnamese team, theirFacebook or other social media accounts will be flooded with tons of vitriol anddeath threats. The same thing will happen to the opposing team's players if theywere deemed "too aggressive" or simply scored the decisive goal. It's even worsewith women teams, where there'll be slews of misogynist, transphobic anddegrading language. Many Viet sport fans like to joke that all Thai women aretransgender women, with the heavy implication that they are not "real" women. Tothe nationalist sport fans, all the other teams are inferior, mixed-blooded, fullof unnatural citizens, and hence has an unfair advantage. To them, the Vietnameseteam is simply the best; any losses are only due to these unfair advantages.As you may also know, nationalism seeks to create an in-group, out-groupmentality, and Vietnamese nationalism constantly and violently excludes Vietethnic minorities. A stark example is how the education-indoctrination systemstrips them of their culture and language. There are 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam,with more than 100 Vietnamese dialects, yet there is only one official languagetaught in school and used in exams, the language of the dominant Viet Kinh group.This naturally puts people from other ethnic groups at a huge disadvantage. Manyschools force their students to wear áo dài as uniform, regardless of theirethnicity, even though áo dài is a Kinh garment. Attempts to even out the groundfor ethnic minorities face vicious backlash from Viet Kinh people, such as whenthe government tried to give bonus points in the national university entranceexam for ethnic minority students. Instead of getting rightfully angry at aneducation system which dehumanizes its students, forcing them to brutally competewith their peers for a chance to be exploited by capitalists, many Kinh peopleblamed and unleashed their wrath on ethnic minorities.Those are our observations about the political and economic situation in Vietnam.Based on those symptoms, and dare we also draw some parallels with certainformerly "Communist" countries, we could tentatively share our guess on thedirection of the Vietnamese state and its so-called Socialism-oriented marketstrategy, should it continue to fester unchallenged. However, we are not prophetsspeaking gospel, nor scientists playing with solid statistics here; we will notinvoke some sacred words like "science" and "materialism" and from that claimabsolute truth. What we will say is this: without mass mobilization andresistance of the working class, the Vietnamese state will strengthen its grip onthe populace, through law, nationalism or hierarchical social conditioning. Andcapitalism, hand in hand with the state, will dig its claws further into theexploited classes, drawing out from them all they can offer. The working class ofVietnam will be further fragmented as capitalism consolidates its influencetogether with its exploitation, delegitimizing worker struggles against it. Thiswould ingrain a sense of resignation and self-absorbed struggle in individualworkers and prevent the building of solidarity amongst them.TFSR: Some proponents of what's called "Socialism" in Vietnam will argue that, infact, the work that the Communist Party has brought forth has improved thequality of life of people in Vietnam. Have you heard of this claim, does thatring true in your experience that there has been development in the quality ofindividuals' lives economically or educationally that could be attributedspecifically either to so-called Socialism in Vietnam or through improvementsfrom market society?Mai: Why yes, we've heard this argument before, and our eyes roll every time.First, it is undeniably true that the qualify of life has been raised. And sowhat? That doesn't prove that the same couldn't have been achieved under anotherpolitical system; life everywhere has been improving. Where is the evidence topin this development on the so-called Socialism of Vietnam? It's a wishy-washyway to justify the authoritarianism of the Vietnamese state and deflect fromvalid criticisms.Will: And to add on to that, a suitable analogy would probably be prisoners nothaving to work as much. Sure, it's an improvement to before, that still doesn'tchange the fact that they're still prisoners, still robbed of freedom and forcedto toil under the same old master. Same thing here. Great, now we have internet;we also have no union to defend us against exploitation by the capitalists.Great, we get fastfood; we also have a state that's just free of any controlmechanism and can do what it wants (that's how's hierarchies of power work!).Great, we have iphones, ipads and gucci. The workers manufacturing for thosecorporates certainly can't afford iphones, ipads and the newest gucci bag! But,whatever. So, okay, nice, quality of life has gone up. We're not gonna say that'sbad, that'd be kind of stupid. But at what cost, in what context? The growth ofquality of life is a good thing, but you can't just ignore everything elsesurrounding it. A pizza party is nice, but you know what is nicer? Being incharge of our own life, our fruit of labor, and not being exploited and robbed offreedom. Partially because it includes a pizza party in it.Mai: This line of argument also exposes a double standard casually applied for uspeople in over-exploited countries by many leftists and anarchists. Would you saythe same to, say, queer people in more prosperous countries. "Hey you can getmarried now, you can even adopt children now. Why don't you praise and begrateful to your capitalist government?" I'm sure there are people saying this tomarginalised groups in more prosperous countries, but any anarchists worth theirdime would vehemently and rightfully refute it. Yet everyone seems to be finewhen this argument is casually thrown at people in so-called Third Worldcountries. As if we're supposed to be grateful for more crumbles! No, we want aseat at the table. We want everyone to have a seat at the table!TFSR: Yeah, and when you're referring to industrialists in Vietnam having anincome level equal to, I think you said, 80,000 other people.. At what cost andhow is that distributed?Will: Yeah, also it's 800,000 people.TFSR: Excuse me, factor of ten... Thanks for being willing to tackle that questionWhat might be visions of libertarian communist approaches to some of thequestions of raising the quality of life for people in Vietnam? Is that the sortof framing that you would use for a positive anarchistic vision forward? It seemslike, just to add on, I've heard that in some countries that are ostensiblyCommunist or Socialist that people who are critical of the government sometimeshave an allergy to those terms, to a positive turn of those turns, because it'sbeen shoved down their throats in such a negative way.Will: Yeah, well...Mai: Definitely, yeah[laughs]Will: To me, it's about representation. The State, this grand old thing, imposedall of those things on them, so I mean what choice do they have?First and foremost, it must be said before any libertarian communist or anarchistvision can be realised, the people in Vietnam have to recognise that there existsdeep problems with the current political system, and that there are solutions tothose problems. The sad reality is this: the majority of Vietnamese people arealienated from politics (as authoritarian states tend to do to the people theyoppress). So, politics is something done to them, rather than by them.The state has built up for itself a shining image of legitimacy. And so eventhough many will say that there are problems with Vietnam as a whole, they areunlikely to be able to pin that to the political system. Maybe they can say thatcorruption is a severe problem of Vietnamese society. Maybe they can connect itto individual politicians and their supposed moral failing. But they won't beable to say that corruption is only a symptom of the system and that, morespecifically, hierarchies of power are simply incompatible with the interests ofthose at the bottom of the hierarchy, of the majority. Maybe they would even saythat the one-party system is clearly not working, but mistake the illusion ofchoice of multi-party system for total liberation, for freedom. The root of theproblems just eludes many.There is also a sense of apathy and learnt helplessness that has been ingrainedinto the population, and so, as of now, the potential of political action andchange is not great. This exacerbates the previous problem, in the sense that,even if a majority of people recognize the root of the problem, they do not thinkthat they themselves and, only themselves, have the power to solve it. Or theythink that the alternatives would only be even worse: either U.S.capitalism/liberalism or the kind of "Communism" with severe scarcity andcorruption before the Doi Moi reform - which mind you many Vietnamese stillremember and are understandably frightened of. This is what we mean when we sayVietnamese people are alienated in politics.We also recognise that historically in Vietnam, the traditional labor movementhas alienated many groups, such as ethnic minorities, sex workers, people ofmarginalized genders and sexuality, disabled people, unemployed people,criminalized people, and young people. Moving forwards, it is important to makeour movements inclusive enough for the many fronts against various forms ofoppressions, not just class struggles. Of course, the working class is the onlyclass capable of toppling capitalism, but our definition of "work" and "workers"needs to change radically.So... a vision-a hope even-is that, through putting their predicament under thecapitalist society of Vietnam into perspective and laying bare the fact that noone but themselves have the power to change it all for the better, people willgradually be free of the mental limitations and have the want to take control oftheir lives instead of putting it at the mercy of "the powers that be." And whenthe recognition, the will and the want, happens, we trust that they will go onlyone short step further and come to adopt libertarian communist approaches fortheir struggles, even if they don't declare themselves to be affiliated with anyspecific ideology. Again though, we are not prophets and to prophesize on astrict revolutionary form is an unwise and pointless endeavor.But if we can say one thing about our approaches and our visions for a betterquality of life in the future, we may call attention to community building. Givenwhat we mentioned earlier regarding the alienation of the worker and thefragmentation of the working class, there is merit in considering a parallelprocess: of healing the wounds of alienation that capitalism left on all of us;and of educating each other on essential political knowledge, examples being foodsovereignty, pre-figurative social organizing, and independent union building.And in an age where technology has become an integral part of our lives, it isshort-sighted to overlook or undermine the importance of online organizing. Thesocial relations produced and reproduced through online organizing is every bitas pre-figurative as the social relations of on-the-ground organizing. Certainaspects are different, sure, but the essence of it is the same: the building andmaintaining of structures capable of facilitating our interactions as equals.Through our own organizing, we've also found online archiving and disseminationof anarchist materials to be critical in the context of our milieu in Vietnam,where severe censorship and state repression have proven to be highly effectivein weeding out dissenting voices, and isolating those who would otherwise bandtogether to collectively speak out against the state narrative.And as to the framing... Yes! I think this is the framing that we will proceedwith. Unlike the previous revolution in our history, ours won't be one where thepeople are pushed into a so-called revolution by some self-righteous vanguardparty. That kind of revolution has proven itself to be undeniably disastrous. Andwe would love to not repeat that. The true revolution should be a continuousprocess, in which everyone can partake right here, right now, on their own volition.TFSR: Would you speak about the situation in Vietnam for people of marginalizedgenders, queer folks in Vietnam as well as folks criminalized for sex work?Mai: Sure. The situation for queer folks is not great, though getting better.Same-sex marriage was criminalized until 2015. Then, the law prohibiting same-sexmarriage was abolished, but it is still not legalized. So, since marriage comeswith certain privileges in our current society, many queer people in Vietnam arestigmatized and barred from the medical, financial and other material privilegesthat their non-queer counterparts couples enjoy. Marriage equality is the frontin which liberal organizations working within the state framework seem to pour alot of effort.For transgender people, as far as we know, there isn't a single hospital inVietnam that is allowed to perform gender-affirming surgeries for so-called"normal" people, only for people who were in an accident or have "birth defects."At the same time, non-consensual, non-medically necessary medical interventionsare still performed on intersex children, as they are permitted by law.Transgender people who wish to undergo gender-affirming surgery often have to gothrough an intermediate center, and the whole process (examination, papers andsurgery) is usually done in Thailand. Hormone therapies are not easily accessiblethrough mainstream methods, but through the black market. They really have to bettheir lives if they want to use hormones. Not only that, because of low supplyand having to do surgery abroad, the amount of money one needs to spend toundergo gender-affirming surgeries can be approximately $20,000, even more if youaccount for long-term hormone treatments. To put this into perspective, theaverage yearly household income of a Vietnamese person is $2,235, before food andrent/mortgage and such. And remember, the $20,000 is only for the surgery. So,the cost is an absurdly high amount for the majority of Vietnamese people, whohave to work hard just to put food on the table and keep a roof over their heads.About sex work in Vietnam, we will speak not from personal experience, but from aplace of legality and personal observation. Legally, sex work and evenpornography are criminalized; sex workers used to face incarceration in so-called"rehabilitation centers" and still are charged with hefty fines if caught inraids, they are subjects of systemic stigmatization and discrimination as well,especially sex workers living with HIV. It was not until 2013 that detentioncenter number 05 was shut down; it's the rehabilitation center in which sexworkers and drug users were detained and regularly subjected to forced labordisguised as "career training." Supposedly, the closing of this detention centerhappened under the pressure from, as far as we know, an organization by and forsex workers in Vietnam called Vietnam Network for Sex Workers, amongst others. Wecould not find other sources to corroborate this, however, so we can't say forcertain this is what happened. Although, we certainly hope so! We suspect thereason for the scare sources has to do with the media not wanting to acknowledgesex workers' existence since sex workers in Vietnam exist in this limbo whereinthey're criminalized, stigmatized, but also hyper-visible.As for major queer, feminist, and sex worker organizations outside of the Stateframework, we are not aware of any, unfortunately. Yes, organizations that do notdirectly associate with the government exist; NGOs are by no means illegal. Butthat doesn't mean they're outside of the State framework. To truly be outside ofthe State framework, an organization must have the aim to work outside of thatframework in the first place, hence giving a reason for organizing that doesn'tinvolve the State and doesn't subject itself to the bounds the State establishes.There is no such thing as being accidentally outside of the State framework. Andindeed, the organization we mentioned above express quite a bit of friendlinesstowards the state, which they view as well-intentioned but incompetent inexecution with regards to programs for sex workers. We by no means wish toundermine or devalue their achievements; we applaud them for their efforts andare glad to know that there exists an organization standing for the interests ofsex workers in Vietnam! But we cannot ignore the fact they achieved this onlythrough the State framework, by cooperating and showing understanding to themachine which in the end perpetuates capitalism, and wish to see them exploitedas workers. What they have accomplished is undeniably good, but in the long run,the state can never be a liberatory tool. Another thing is that a substantialpart of their funding comes from liberal NGOs and NPOs. They themselvesacknowledge that it is a challenge for them to organize without that funding,which will eventually go away. So once again, in spite of the good, we areobligated to point out that this form of organization cannot lead to the totalliberation of the oppressed: an organization dependent on funding from liberalsources can never work to break free of the chains of the status quo, only thepainstaking lengthening of those chains.So we would say that the blindspots of the organizing by and for folks ofmarginalized genders, sexualities and sex workers in Vietnam is that there is nointerlinking of struggles. The feminists can pinpoint the unlevel playgroundbetween men and women, but many are oblivious to, say, class struggles, of ethnicminority women, of queer people and of sex workers. Indeed, feminism in Vietnamapplauds the icon of a successful career woman, a girl-boss CEO who are notdependent on men. The same with queer people: many strive to assimilate into thecis-het society by broadcasting that they can be as "normal," as successful intheir careers as non-queer people. And so the poor queers, the disabled queers,the queers who are not Kinh, and many more, are further marginalized and don'thave a place within the queer community. On top of that, their organizing aredependent on the State framework, on funding from NGOs and NPOs: they need NGOand NPO money to campaign for the government to give them more rights. And in ouropinion, that kind of organizing is not sustainable and will never lead to totalliberation. There will always be people who are unlucky enough to be thescapegoat, who are at the bottom of the hierarchy and cast to the fringe of society.TFSR: Speaking as someone from the so-called USA, which participated in much ofthe 35 years of war Vietnam experienced in the mid-20th century followingcenturies of colonial extractivism at the hands of the states of France, China,Japan and others, I wonder if you can talk about the legacy of colonialism andwar are on the peoples and environment of Vietnam?Mai: This is personal to us. In my family, leftovers are seriously frowned upon,even just a single grain of rice. I remember, this was when I was about 5 or 6,leaving the dining table after finishing the meal, and got called back to eat onesingle grain of rice left in my bowl. This is because there are family memberswho are still alive, who survived the Vietnamese famine of 1945, caused byJapanese and French colonialism, together with the US bombing the transportsystem. An estimated 2 million Vietnamese people starved to death. There is alsothe persisting catastrophe of Agent Orange. Personally, someone in my directfamily was exposed, and we have to deal with various medical complications.Ironically, if you Google "Agent Orange," the top results are almost all aboutits effects on US veterans; few are about its lasting effects on Vietnamesepeople and our ecosystem.If you'd like to learn more about the atrocities that the US army committed inVietnam, we'd recommend you to first, well, talk to Vietnamese people. You canalso read the "Winter Soldier Investigation," which consists of first-handtestimonies from GIs about the many daily My Lais that they themselves hadcommitted or witnessed in Vietnam. You may notice that this investigation has thesame name as a fictional character from a famous franchise widely regarded aspro-US military propaganda. Now, of course this could very well be a totalcoincidence, but even so, the incidental effect is quite real. It casts a shadowover the investigation mentioned above regardless. The way information about warcrimes and its devastating aftermath on people outside of the US is obscured likethat is just one in a million ways how US imperialism and cultural hegemony areharming us right this moment. And as far as we know, the documents fromthat[Winter Soldier]investigation hasn't even been translated into Vietnamese forthe younger generation to access and read about what happened to our predecessors.Another product of US-centrism, which manifests plentily in anarchist and leftistcircles: in political discourse, Vietnam, a country, a people with our owncomplex and diverse history, is constantly reduced to and talked about solely inour relation to the US. Not the whole span of that relation either, but only 20years of slaughter and ecocide. For example, on the website of the longestrunning anarchist magazine in the US called The Fifth Estate, they have a pageabout Vietnam that is described as: "VIETNAM The failed US war and resistance toit from an anarchist/anti-authoritarian perspective"Vietnam is not just a "failed US war." Refusing to view us as humans with our owncomplex history and ongoing struggles leads to dissidents like us Vietanarchists, who don't solely paint Vietnam as the US' helpless victim, beingbranded "fake Vietnamese, CIA pawns, agent provocateurs." The irony here ispalpable. If you stop for one second and just look at the whole span of Vietnam'srelation with the US, you'll see how the Vietnamese capitalists have no qualmsshaking hands with US capitalists in their quest to exploit Viet workers. TheVietnamese and the US militaries are being all pally now, with weapon trades andpersonnel training courses! The US framework of every political topic is alsoroutinely forced upon us, to the point that a Viet person who doesn't understandevery nook and cranny of US politics and its lexicon won't be able to participatein political discourse without risking being torn apart, figuratively. Meanwhile,many US leftists/anarchists will brazenly insert themselves and their narrativesin almost every conversation about Vietnam that we try to have, without takingthe time and effort to learn the Vietnamese context.And this benefits no one but US imperialism and, ironically, the Vietnameseauthoritarians and statists. They capitalize on the very real frustration of Vietpeople who know that their struggle is completely ignored and dismissed by the USand Western left. They'd constantly and only talk about how horribly awful the USis, reducing Vietnam to its helpless victim - a glorious, brave and united nationagainst a common foreign enemy. On top of that, because social media favorsmoralized content, they'd build their platform on moralized, hateful language andrhetoric. They target a clueless Western audience who prefer self-flagellationand tokenism, rather than carefully examining information, educating themselvesand developing their own analysis. When faced with criticism, the statists willweaponize their identities to silence and even harass their political opponents,accusing any Vietnamese speaking differently of being fake Vietnamese. Statistsand career communists capitalizing on disinformation about Vietnam havethreatened us with state violence and we have no doubt they will report us to theauthority the first chance they've got. Of course, US imperialism permeates manycorners of this earth, but to view, for instance, a Kinh Viet person living inVietnam as merely a "person of color" erases the privilege that their ethnicityaffords them domestically, erases the reason for their loyalty to the Vietnamesenation-state. We humbly ask people to de-center the US and its bloody war fromconversations about Vietnam - it is long overdue. Thank you.tùng: To add on to that, after the war, information about Agent Orange was slowin reaching Viet people, and so a lot went on to have children without havingbeen adequately informed and prepared. I personally knew a family whose firstchild is blind deaf with intellectual disability, due to their parents' exposureto Agent Orange. Without any compensation from the US nor adequate disabilitycare from the Vietnamese government, the Vietnamese victims of Agent Orange haveto fend for themselves on their own, generation after generation. They receiveabout from $5 to $20/person/month, depending on the severity of their conditionsand I think this money is not enough to survive on for a whole month.And there are the millions of people who were displaced by the war, cut out fromtheir cultural roots and families, forced to assimilate into a new society. Manylost their lives fleeing a war torn country with a shiny new state high onvictory and hell bent on vengeance. The ones lucky enough to have reached theirdestinations and settled down know no ways of reconciling and reconnecting withtheir "dong bào" - compatriots back in Vietnam. They can't learn about thestruggle in Vietnam without being manipulated and fed lies, thanks to statecensorship and hateful nationalist sentiments.TFSR: How can international listeners in the international community looking tobe solidarity with struggles in so-called Vietnam and learn more & help? Arethere any projects they can support or other sources of learning that you wouldsuggest?Will: There is a proverb in Vietnamese: "Nuoc xa không cuu duoc lua gan," whichroughly translates to: "Water afar cannot put out a nearby fire." So, theabsolute best thing you can do for us, specifically, is to organize in your owncommunity, and to educate yourself about the struggles in Vietnam, withoutunquestioningly absorbing disinformation like a sad sponge. It also helps if yourethink and refrain from projecting your own localized societal standards andframeworks onto situations in Vietnam, which usually have little in common. Andthis should be obvious, but: don't use our struggles as mere ammunition in yourstruggles. When you go to do solidarity, you should not reduce us to media tokensand talking points.As of now, Viet anarchists are outnumbered, our voices drowned out by pro-statepropaganda. And so, every single person who refuses to fall for said propagandais a win for us! You don't need to listen to us, to Mèo Mun specifically, ofcourse-we don't claim to be the best source on every single topic related to thestruggle in Vietnam, far from it-but please be very cautious of thedisinformation from statists. Talk to as many Viet people as possible, andremember that we are not a hivemind and our experiences and opinions do vary! Ifyou're a reader, there are many texts on the Southeast Asian Anarchist Libraryconcerning Vietnam and its history. So, do read close if you're interested.And if you're into direct action, please pay attention to the migrant workerscene in your community. The conditions of Vietnamese migrant workers, especiallyundocumented ones, are often abysmal and they are extremely vulnerable toexploitation. And I'd dare to say that many so-called-Global-South migrantworkers are vulnerable to exploitation. We'd be very happy to know that someoneis looking out for them.TFSR: Is there anything I failed to ask about that you'd like to discuss?Will: Not really, but I'd like to, on behalf of Mèo Mun, express our heart-feltthanks to Bursts for reaching out to us, for your very thought-provoking andinteresting questions, and for spending time with us today. We appreciate yourgiving us this platform, and though we try our best to cover what we experiencein Vietnam, at the end of the day, our experience is just an experience. It isnot universal and by no means can we claim to speak for every Viet person. Weonly hope that our speaking up gives you some tiny glimpses into our lives andstruggles, which similar to any lives and struggles, are human, messy, andimperfect. So thank you for listening and seeing us!Mai: Thank you!TFSR: Thank you, all of you, for participating in this and also to the collectivefor collaboration in the answers. And I appreciate you taking the time doing thisin English for the audience, I'm looking forward to this being a contributiontowards more international understanding and solidarity. So, thank you!Related Link:https://thefinalstrawradio.noblogs.org/post/2021/11/13/meo-mun-anarchist-views-from-vietnam/Mèo Mun, Anarchist Views from Vietnam: Interview with The Final Straw Radiohttps://www.anarkismo.net/article/32478_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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