#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #IRAQ #KURDISTAN #ANARCHISM #News #Journal #Update - (en) FAU for Communalism and Peace in Iraq - A LONG WAY TO KURDISTAN, A LONG WAY TO PEACEף Global background II. By Steff Brenner (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]

 In this part the author reports subjectively about his participation in the #

Delegation4Peace in the autonomous region of Kurdistan. This article first
appeared in abridged form in the September issue of the Grassroots Revolution.
---- Mid-June 2021. We're driving through the mountains of the Kurdistan
Autonomous Region in Northern Iraq, our buses are full of internationalists. The
rattling of the engines mixes with the horns of overtaking pickups, the clicking
of cameras, the concentrated stapling of the keyboards, snippets of lively
discussions in English, German, Kurmanji and French.
As FAU trade unionists, we are part of an international delegation to support the
communalist movements in the region and to protest against an impending Turkish
war of invasion in northern Iraq. The buses wind their way up the steep gravel
roads of the Zagros Mountains (Çiyayên Zagrosê), we are less than 20 kilometers
from the front.

In the next few days, our heterogeneous delegation is to grow to over 150
representatives from various organizations, parties, trade unions and media from
over 20 countries. We should meet with representatives of political parties and
civil society, but also with refugees and war victims. The aim is to get an
impression of the situation in the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan, where a
large-scale Turkish military offensive began on April 24, 2021 (the anniversary
of the Turkish genocide of the Armenians). Officially, this applies to the
suppression of the PKK in the Zagros Mountains, but many observers fear a
permanent Turkish occupation, expulsion and resettlement policy in the attacked
areas.

LOOK BACK
2012: We are at the anarchist world congress in St. Imier (Switzerland) with over
25 friends. In this melting pot of libertarian movements, news is making the
rounds and appears every day in various conversations: The Kurdish PKK, linked to
internal party power struggles and purges, has turned around. From a
Marxist-Leninist cadre party it is said to have approached the anarchist ideas of
anacho-communism and communalism. I am hesitant, as I am not aware of any example
in revolutionary history of a similar development in such a short period of time.
At the congress I meet long-time friends, exiled anarchists from Turkey - they
confirm to me that there is something to it,

At home I start researching to get more information, but the information
situation remains poor. A few articles on the Internet give very different
assessments as to whether all of this is really a change of concept or simply a
PR gag against the background of the global decline of the
authoritarian-communist camp.

DAESH, PEGIDA AND LEFT RESISTANCE
Two years later, the northern Syrian city of Kobane is besieged by Daesh (also
known as Islamic State). In my city, where the Kurdish movement was previously
largely isolated from the left of German roots, there will be a first large
demonstration on October 10, 2014. It should be the demo that passed Lutz
Bachmann and moved him to found Pegida, which connects many anti-fascists in
Dresden in a special way in their common struggle with the movement.[1]For many
of the leftists of German origin who emerged, it was their first contact with
their Kurdish comrades: inside the city. We were amazed and touched by the crowd
and the atmosphere of the demonstration, tried our first bits of Kurmanji and
exchanged cell phone numbers.

Like me, it happened to many in and outside of our union movement. We began to
look through reports, assessments and documentaries and to get an idea of the
situation, at the same time the movement became world famous due to its
successful ground fight against the Daesh, Rojava a catchphrase that became known
to many people outside of the left movement.

In addition, as the East German left, local events in particular kept us busy at
this time: The number of right-wing attacks and acts of violence skyrocketed, 35
right-wing radical demonstrations per week (!) In Saxony were not uncommon for
well over a year. My comrades and I drove off several times a week, in front of
some refugee accommodation, where we, armed with only a few flagpoles and pepper
spray, organized makeshift self-protection against a better armed and far larger
right-wing mob. Heidenau, Freital, Bautzen, Dresden and Clausnitz are just some
of the place names that sounded more in our ears at that time than Kobanê,
Dirbêsiyê, Qamislo or Afrîn.[2]
Nevertheless, especially during this time, we kept getting to know people who had
been there who, with different perspectives, with fundamental criticism or even
full of enthusiasm, allowed us to develop a differentiated picture of the social
dynamics that existed in north-east Syria and little later also played in the
Sinjar Mountains (Çiyayê Singal).

NO FRIENDS EXCEPT THE MOUNTAINS
I think about the many stops up to the point where I was in Iraq as we get out
and look at the Iranian mountains and the Cheekha Dar (the highest mountain in
Iraq). After 40 ° C in the dusty, exhaust-polluted Erbil and a 5-hour bus ride,
we finally breathe cool mountain air. Unfortunately, we only have a little time
to absorb the calm, the mood and the altitude, but everyone who is visiting
Kurdistan for the first time knows that this moment will remain indelibly in our
minds and hearts. It is my third day in Kurdistan and our hosts: First of all, we
want to introduce us to the beauty of the country. That succeeded! With a view of
the rugged mountains, the painful history of the minorities in the region and the
ever inadequate support for them,

The journey continues, projects are discussed, press releases are written,
perspectives from different countries are exchanged. The hustle and bustle is
interrupted by the checkpoints of the Peshmerga units, which are usually either
subordinate to the strongest ruling party PdK (in German KDP) or the second
largest YNK (in German PUK). Within two days I see as many assault rifles as I
have probably never seen in my entire life. Yesterday a delegation from our
delegation wanted to go to parliament and meet with representatives of the
various Kurdish parties. Nothing came of it, armed forces stopped the journey in
front of the hotel. We also made our first acquaintance with military
transporters and agents in plain clothes who are accompanying us.

During our journey today, security forces of the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan
begin to refuse entry to members of our delegation arriving at Erbil Airport. In
the end it will be well over 50. Many are stuck in the transit area for days with
insufficient supplies, some go on hunger strike. The German consulate in Erbil is
silent about the events. On the same day, three members of the Syrian PKK sister
party PYD, some of them official representatives in the autonomous region of
Kurdistan, were arrested in Erbil and taken into custody without trial,
assistance or information about their whereabouts. Two are released after 50 days
without explanation. The third activist is still missing in early August.

THE PROBLEM OF INTERNATIONAL ATTENTION
In 2016 and 2017 we in our syndicate (local trade union of FAU) dealt intensively
with the impending establishment of our new trade union international, the
International Confederation of Workers[3]and, in the course of this, with the
similarities and differences between the Zapatista, communalist and syndicalist
movements. It became clear to us that these three currents represent the most
organized attempts to organize thousands of people with libertarian-oriented
concepts and to coordinate themselves with other movements worldwide. Motions to
set priorities for the new international flowed in from our local considerations
and were accepted.

A big problem for the communalist movements in Turkey, north-east Syria, Iran and
northern Iraq is that they usually only received international attention during
times of acute war. Unfortunately, I was no exception at first. On January 19,
2018, the revolution in north-east Syria was faced with another Turkish invasion.
Unlike in previous conflicts, this time I took part very actively in the
solidarity work, got to know local people, watched daily reports on the front
lines, human rights violations and also videos of the jihadist militias who, as
allies of Turkey, raped, mutilated and killed Kurdish fighters . Of course all
this had preoccupied me before, but this time I couldn't sleep anymore,

For me, an intensive examination began with myself, with the own privileges that
we enjoy as members of left movements in consumer countries like Germany, how
these forms of society shape our negotiation of individual and collective goals
and our sense of responsibility. The communalist movements of the so-called Near
and Middle East remained relatively inscrutable for me. It was not to be
overlooked that in the reporting of the movement for a left, German audience, the
own successes were painted all too rosy, so that they unfortunately often lacked
credibility. It was not to be overlooked, however, that the achievements of the
revolution in north-east Syria and also those of many resistant communities in
Turkey were a blatant improvement above all

At the end of the deliberations, I decided to get involved in the International
Committee of the FAU Federal Federation and to familiarize myself as much as
possible with the situation through correspondence and research.

CONTRADICTORY AUDIENCES AND "DISPLACED PERSONS"
Back on the bus, day 4 of my stay. We sing revolutionary music or look after our
thoughts from the bus into the fading daylight. We're done from the day. Not
because we only slept three or four hours, the sun burned tirelessly all day, or
because we haven't eaten for 12 hours. It is the contradictions of the day that
gnaw at us and turn their circles in our heads.

In the morning, after a journey of several hours, we met the religious head of
the Yezidi, the "Bavê Sêx" Ali Elias, who has been in office since the end of
2020. The Ezidis are a religious minority that has been persecuted for centuries.
They received international attention from August 3, 2014, when the Daesh stood
in front of their main settlement area, the Sinjar Mountains, with the firm
intention of destroying the Yezidi people and their cultural sites. The Sinjar
Mountains in western Northern Iraq, near the autonomous region of Northeast
Syria, were under the protection of the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan at that
time. The Peshmerga of the PdK, later equipped with weapons by the Federal
Republic of Germany for the defense of the Daesh, evacuated the positions in the
Sinjar Mountains without firing a single shot and left tens of thousands of
previously disarmed Ezidis to their fate. Ultimately, it was revolutionary units
from north-east Syria and the PKK who fought an escape corridor with US air
support. For thousands, however, this help came too late.

The audience is contradicting itself. On the one hand because there is a dispute
over the person of Ali Elias, as well as other recently elected heads within the
Ezidi communities. In addition to the traditional electoral process (the leaders
of the Ezidis are principally men, must come from certain families and are
usually only elected by the elites), special political influence and a closeness
of the candidates to the PdK party was assumed in the last elections. Sections of
the Ezidis do not recognize the choice. Furthermore, children who have been raped
by ISIS are still not recognized by the Yezidi leadership and many women affected
feel rejected and stigmatized. According to statements from Yezidi and former YPG
fighters whom I meet, there are hundreds of affected children in YPG orphan camps
in north-east Syria, left behind by desperate mothers. The suicide rate among
Yezidi women also remains high. Finally, I hear that female fighters of the
Yezidi self-defense units YBS and YJÊ (built by communalists after 2014 based on
the north-east Syrian model) are said to have been excluded from the Yezidi
community by the Bavê Sêx. On the other hand, the Bavê Sêx still represents
thousands of Yezidi women, brings us close to many problems of the religious
community at the audience and with its audience also legitimizes our delegation
on the diplomatic floor of the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan. Finally, I hear
that female fighters of the Yezidi self-defense units YBS and YJÊ (built by
communalists after 2014 based on the north-east Syrian model) are said to have
been excluded from the Yezidi community by the Bavê Sêx. On the other hand, the
Bavê Sêx still represents thousands of Yezidi women, brings us close to many
problems of the religious community at the audience and with its audience also
legitimizes our delegation on the diplomatic floor of the Autonomous Region of
Kurdistan. Finally, I hear that female fighters of the Yezidi self-defense units
YBS and YJÊ (built by communalists after 2014 based on the north-east Syrian
model) are said to have been excluded from the Yezidi community by the Bavê Sêx.
On the other hand, the Bavê Sêx still represents thousands of Yezidi women,
brings us close to many problems of the religious community at the audience and
with its audience also legitimizes our delegation on the diplomatic floor of the
Autonomous Region of Kurdistan.

This is followed by an impressive visit to Lalisch (Lalis), the highest shrine of
the Ezidis. Here, too, we have the most contradicting impressions and we meet a
conspicuous woman who was already glued to our heels on the outward flight and
whom we still meet on various occasions - it is difficult to determine whether
she is a BND agent or a member of another secret service.

Then we drive to the Sheikhan refugee camp in Ezidi without an official permit.
Seven years after the genocide of 2014, around 12,000 refugees are living here in
tents - it is just one of many camps in Syria and northern Iraq and the Yezidis
only one of many groups affected. In the Dahuk (Dihok) government alone, there
are over 700,000 "displaced persons" living on a map in the camp administration.
Only a fraction of our delegation is allowed into the camp, only for a short time
and with police escort. The rest of our delegation, at this point 60 people, is
invited to tea by the camp management. Here, too, ambivalence: The camp manager
himself has a history of escape, even seems to be happy about the delegation and
yet the people here remain in miserable camp conditions because the Barzani
regime, who is responsible for the camp management, guarantees neither material
nor military security for the Yezidis. Many of us therefore refrain from drinking
the inmates' tea rations under Barzani portraits and lettering and seek a
conversation with those affected on the edge of the camp - including myself with
two comrades: inside.

We and others receive similar assessments of the current situation in our
conversations: The people do not trust the Barzani regime, it was PKK and
north-east Syrian forces that would have provided both military and humanitarian
support. They say that they have no hope because the Daesh is still strong in the
region, many Muslims are otherwise hostile to the Ezidis and even Daesh prisoners
are now being housed in the same camp complex. The PKK had finally withdrawn in
order not to provide any legitimation for further Turkish attacks on the region,
and the Yezidi self-defense units were being opposed by the Kurdish and Iraqi
governments. International aid for the construction of Yezidi villages would be
put into its own pocket by the Kurdish government, government militias prevented
reconstruction and traffic in and out of Ezidi villages. The picture that
remains: hunger, misery, trauma, standstill and resignation. Since sleep is out
of the question, we formulate a press release that night.[4]
"POLITICS IS A DIRTY BUSINESS!"
The fifth day begins with a surprise: the Federal Police themselves took action
at Düsseldorf Airport and prevented around 20 of our delegates from leaving the
country. Since this also affects German parliamentarians and everything looks
like the German security organs are acting here on direct request from the
Turkish secret service, the story is getting more public in left and right-wing
media. For us, the day essentially consists of press work in the hotel.

Due to various media reports about our delegation, the ruling party PdK changed
its tactics the next day: After various meetings of one of our delegations with
various parties and unions in the autonomous region, the government officer for
foreign affairs surprisingly promised a short-term meeting. Two days earlier, his
party had insulted us as terrorists in press statements.

The meeting takes place in our hotel, over 80 members of the delegation are
present. After diplomatic niceties, the quasi-foreign minister begins a lengthy
monologue and repeats the common narratives of the PdK: That the Autonomous
Region of Kurdistan is a constitutional state, the PKK does not recognize it,
that the Turkish attacks are the fault of the PKK and they also do so are
responsible for the fact that the Yezidi did not return to their settlement
areas. Some participants become more insistent in their inquiries: Wouldn't
different democratic concepts have their justification and in any case more than
Turkish despotism? Wasn't the enemy more likely to be the aggressive Turkish
autocracy than the PKK? Our counterpart falls into real talk: What options would
the autonomous region have against the NATO country Turkey? Would the governments
of our countries of origin do anything to protect the Iraqi Kurds in the event of
a war? The words "Politics is a dirty business!" And when asked whether at least
the borders to north-east Syria could not be opened to supply the bleeding
population there with the bare essentials, the clear answer: "No, because we want
to survive! "After this battle of words, the politician and his bodyguards leave
the building in a hurry and visibly angry.

The presence of civilian agents increases unbearably during the night. Already in
the last few days hotel rooms had obviously been searched in our absence and
there were always some informers against them, but from now until the departure
of the delegation from Erbil whole crowds populate the lobbies of the hotels in
which we move.

In an evaluation of the talks with the other parties and organizations, two core
demands emerge on which everyone agrees: 1. The PKK must disappear from the
international terrorist lists, as this classification is unjustified on the one
hand and the international legitimation for the Turkish wars of aggression on the
other supplies. On the other hand, there must be no fighting between the PKK
militia and Peshmerga.

The following day, our planned demonstration, including a press conference, in
front of the UN headquarters in Erbil is banned. Our hotel is surrounded by armed
forces with assault rifles, we are only allowed to leave the building
individually for errands. Without further ado, the press conference was held in
the hotel lobby in the presence of the police and Peshmerga. I am writing a press
release, surrounded by Turkish-speaking agents and less than 20 meters from the
nearest AK 47. Despite the ban on protest, a success remains:

All the well-known media in the region are represented, the local public is fully
aware of the issue, critical voices from the region, presented by us
internationalists, cannot be silenced by the Barzani regime.

On the eighth day I leave with a heavy heart, many others stay. On the flight we
meet the alleged BND agent again. In Düsseldorf we are greeted by a large
solidarity rally and an equally large number of police, but they are holding back
- we are probably protected by the increased attention of the German media.

The rest of the delegation then moved to the YNK-dominated area, where the
repression pressure subsided. There are trips close to the front, meetings with
war victims, demonstrations and appearances in various Kurdish media. The later
our fellow delegates return to Germany, the more unfriendly the reception.
Finally, luggage is illegally searched and stolen, returnees are sometimes thrown
to the ground, held for several hours and questioned. Further repression is sure
to follow when media interest has completely ebbed away.

FIGHT AGAINST RESIGNATION
It's the beginning of August. There are lectures and interviews on the subject
behind me, as well as everyday stress and wage work. The journey seems
unbelievably long ago, surreal and remote. And yet the lines are still not enough
to tell what I would like to convey to the readers.

Our delegation trip can certainly be understood as an attempt to create public
debate even where it is suppressed. It was also a search for new concepts in a
situation in which great powers with unprecedented military superiority threaten
the lives of tens of thousands of people and the hope for (basic) democratic and
humanistic forms of society. At the end of June one could read in an Austrian
newspaper that, at least in the autonomous region of Kurdistan, there was
increasing resistance to acceptance of Turkish aggression on the part of the
major parties and the Peshmerga units.

Nevertheless, a feeling of relative powerlessness remains in me, because the PdK
representative was right at one point: Even the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan
and the Autonomous Administration of North-East Syria would hardly stand a chance
against the NATO army of Turkey alone, even if they did they could and would
fight together effectively. The war will be decided in the countries that keep
the Erdogan regime alive economically and politically, including Germany.

The longer I deal with the social struggles outside of Europe, get to know
friends and comrades who fall in battle or tell me their stories of loss and
privation, the more strange it is which judgments, which luxuries and which
privileges even a radical left in Germany seems to take it for granted. This lack
of empathy and responsibility is a big problem. Another, even more serious
problem is that public relations and protest in Germany and elsewhere will
achieve little or nothing if economic interests point in a different direction.

As internationalists and humanists, in my opinion we have no choice but to
critically review our own privileges again and again, to get involved in the
broadest possible, global and radical democratic organizations and to work
towards preventing economic damage ourselves to such an extent that we have to be
heard in the face of economic interests in supporting one or the other
dictatorship and autocracy.

This path is long, stony, a struggle against one's own resignation and the
resignation of others. Along the way, as internationalists, we keep seeing
friends and comrades dying. I can therefore only ask all readers to join the
necessary organizational and educational processes and accelerate it.

IN THE NEXT PART
In the third part, Steff Brenner writes based on his experiences and perspectives
on possible problems and strategies of internationalist strategies of
anarcho-syndicalist movements.

https://direkteaktion.org/syrien-iran-tuerkei-irak-eine-lagebeschreibung/

https://direkteaktion.org/ein-langer-weg-nach-kurdistan-ein-langer-weg-zum-frieden/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca