On November 27 and December 5, eight days apart, two anti-fascist demonstrations
were held in the streets of Paris. Faced with the unanimous observation of thefascism of society, the organizations of the social camp have not succeeded inuniting in the face of the brown plague. It is now necessary to take a lucid lookat this episode and to draw lessons from it for the future. ---- Last October, aspart of the Antifascist Coordination in the Ile-de-France region, local versionof the Antifascist Unitary Coordination, Solidaires, the CNT, the Young GuardParis, the AFA-PB, the Horde, the PQA (Paris Queer Antifa), the NPA and the UCLlaunch a call for mobilization against the extreme right and its ideas, onNovember 27. Preparing for this event is not without difficulty: someorganizations do not come to the meetings while others take the opportunity tosettle scores arising from rivalries whose stakes are unrelated to the enemies weare fighting. And, the most heartbreaking, two organizations refuse to join thecall the Jewish Revolutionaries (JJR) and the Network of actions againstanti-Semitism and all racisms (Raar).It is in this already somewhat heavy context that the coordination sees a meetingof Zemmour announced on December 5 at La Villette, in the north of Paris. Whilesome want to move the date to demonstrate against Zemmour, others want to keepthe demonstration on November 27. Thunderbolt three days before this date: theCGT and the Young Guard Paris unilaterally announce a demonstration on December5... at the risk of scuttling regional coordination. The Young Guard will finallynot participate in that of the 27th which will bring together some 3,000 people,which without being a success, is not ridiculous.field work is essentialThe decision of the Young Guard and the CGT creates tensions in the anti-fascistmilieu. In addition to the choice to leave alone and to put themselves forwardlike the two orgas who will silence Zemmour, their choice of arriving too late infront of the meeting to prevent it or even hinder it is also criticized. Newtwist, a few days before the 5th, the Zemmour team announces that the meetingwill be moved to Villepinte. The organizers of the so-called unitary eventdecided to maintain the initial route from Barbès to La Villette so that as manypeople as possible could be present... but now several kilometers from the meeting.New fracture in the anti-fascist camp, some, including the AFA-PB decide todemonstrate in Villepinte, although this outlying area is conducive torepression. On D-Day, the anti-fascist camp finds itself cut in two. The greatpopular demonstration, at the call of 65 structures and collectives as theorganizers point out, ultimately only attracts a number of demonstrators barelyhigher than that of November 27.Provisional observation: the mass uprising against fascism did not take place, itis not enough to claim to be the largest class organization to succeed in amobilization. In anti-fascism, as elsewhere, field work is essential andexonerating oneself from it inevitably leads to a mobilization of testimony. TheVillepinte rally will have been prevented by the repression of the stateapparatus, which has found allies in the multiple faf groups who walk around inhunter mode. The only ones to pull out of the game: the militants, who are notvery radical, of SOS Racisme - with all the reservations that we can bring totheir spectacular action.They and they will have succeeded not only in hindering the Zemmour meeting alittle bit, but also in showing the general public that it drains with it the banand the back ban of the radical far right, which is viscerally attached to usephysical violence against all those designated as enemies. This is the Francethat Zemmour promises us.An observation is essential on this last sequence: the fascist danger is notenough or more to mobilize with a snap of the finger, and this in all our socialcamp. This must lead all the components of the antifascist movement, not only toa certain humility, but, our organization included, to take very seriously thepath of practices and an antifascist presence with our class in places where welive, study and work.It is more than crucial that, at the same time, we seriously resume unitary,broad and clear work in order to counter politically in people's minds and in thestreets the threat that continues to assert itself. The logical consequences ofthe call for unity and massification necessarily imply finding allies beyond thesole libertarians or militants of the radical left.Don't wait to be corneredThe situation is certainly serious, but there are reasons for hope. Anti-fascistcollectives are formed throughout the territory. Union formations are organized,often in inter-union under the aegis of Vigilance and anti-fascist unioninitiatives (Visa). Make no mistake about it, where the RN/FN has establisheditself through the ballot box, trade unionists have most often organizedthemselves by creating local Visas. Let's not wait to be cornered to react. From now on, we libertarian communist activists must relentlessly act in ourunions, in our anti-fascist, anti-racist, feminist collectives to repopularizethe anti-fascist struggle. A class and radical anti-fascist struggle that offersa real project for an emancipatory society for all. The recent Antiracism andSolidarity campaign can be an important point of support for the meeting andconvergence of these progressive forces against the fascism of society.David (UCL Grand-Paris south) and Benjamin (UCL Orléans)https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?27-novembre-5-decembre-Les-divisions-y-a-basta_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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