At the end of this month a new referendum will be held, this time against part of
the Law of Urgent Consideration. Of a law that contains 476 articles, only 135will be challenged, due to the political agreements reached with the Broad Frontby the social organizations that promoted the initiative. It is an attempt topartially repeal such a disastrous and unpopular law. ---- Let us agree that theBroad Front voted more than 50% of the norm, that is, it endorsed a large numberof anti-popular articles and chapters. In this instance, an attempt will be madeto almost completely eliminate the repressive chapter, the articles that affectstate companies, those related to housing, education, among others. But thosereferring to the reform of social security, for example, remain in the norm.The ideological conception that animates this Law of Urgent Consideration isprofoundly neoliberal and repressive. They are two "legs" of the same conceptionof society, since applying a neoliberal and pro "free market" policy in theeconomic sphere, the social effects that this generates and the protests that itwill surely generate, the government will need to repress that discontent. Forthis reason, several articles refer to mobilizations, street closures, routes oraccess to companies.It must be recognized that many of the contents of the LUC are not new, nor didthey "parachute" into the national reality. In addition to the privatizationattempts of the 1990s and 2000s, mostly stopped by various plebiscites, many ofthe articles contained in the law were already in operation or do not have majordifferences with existing regulations. Bonomi's "code of police procedure", forexample, already contained a good part of what the LUC today enshrines with theforce of law. Yes, of course, legal status is given to many regulations that wereof the second legal order, although they already governed police operations, inthis case. On the other hand, the police technification for the repressioncarried out by the FA is unprecedented.The point is that to "press the accelerator" with these policies, the FA wasgoing to have a difficult time. That is why the victory of the right in theelectoral arena, and this allows the ruling classes and reactionary sectors toadvance strongly on rights and social policies.The LUC was approved at the beginning of the pandemic, without public debate andonly "political transa" was allowed. The first draft, which was the highestproject of the National Party, was modified in almost all its chapters, exceptthe repressive one. There is the heart of the LUC, which was of particularinterest to Jorge Larrañaga, where several aspects that were contained in the"live without fear" project, rejected in 2019 in a plebiscite, were evenincorporated into the law.On the other hand, the LUC has already been put into operation and itsconsequences are in sight. In the first place, we can point to the rise in fuelprices. The monthly adjustments have logically been upwards, and it has been oneof the products that has become more expensive in recent months, affecting allprices in the local economy. A monthly rise in fuels in the medium term is notonly going to make all the products consumed by the population more expensive, itis going to generate great uncertainty and discomfort in the population.With this measure, they prepare the importation of already refined fuels,effectively closing the La Teja Refinery, practically the only heavy industry inthe country and thus canceling the possibility of generating resources and wealthfor social benefit and the consequent loss of jobs. of work in the field.The LUC has also been put into practice in repressive and anti-worker matters. Atthe end of last year, in a trade union measure of interdepartmental transportworkers, the police repressed with rubber bullets the attempt to block the busexit from the Tres Cruces Terminal. You have to go back a few decades to find alabor conflict repressed with rubber bullets; although the event did notescalate, except for the leg injuries of at least one colleague. Also therepression of road transport workers (truck drivers), who demonstrated in frontof the Port of Montevideo. The media reported the violent arrest of twentyworkers, prevented by the presence of the entire PITCNT Representative Board atthe site,The police deployments before each occupation of a work center (for now of publiceducation) have also been large. It is true that they do not need the LUC forthis, but they use the legal framework that this rule enables them to intervenein favor of the State and employers in labor disputes.There has also been an increase in patrols in neighborhoods, arrests of people bybeatings, and in recent weeks the police have arrested and harassed militantsagainst the LUC in different parts of the country. The police have always been arepressive apparatus at the service of those above, deluded by those who believethat they can be reformed in some way or win over their members to popular positions.It is clear that if the LUC is approved in the referendum, the government willhave a free hand to apply repression, privatizations, express evictions of homes,further increase authoritarianism in education, and a long list of anti-popularmeasures as it pleases. But the fight against the LUC does not end with theapproval of the "pink" in March, but must continue and deepen. These samemeasures contained in the LUC can be applied in another way, via decree orseparate laws on specific issues, even a good part of the regulation alreadyexists that, for example, allows the police to operate without problems.Let us be clear that the content of the Urgent Consideration Law is neither morenor less the set of measures that the capitalist system needs to apply in Uruguayat this stage. It is what the multinational and national capitals andbourgeoisies demand also for this historical moment. These are the measures thatthose at the top need to increase their profits and dominance over the popularclasses. Any government could apply them in one way or another since, if it wantsto govern, it will do so in accordance or leaving those above alone. In reality,he will rule for those above. The only thing that can be in dispute or debatewithin the bourgeois political system is the degree, to what extent to applythese measures or this type of measures. There are nuances, but no fundamentaldifferences, for something the FA voted more than 50% of the LUC,But, also after March, the government will make decisions. If the LUC ismaintained as approved, it will surely apply a "steamroller" of anti-popularmeasures. And if the 135 articles of the LUC are repealed, there may be a revengeeffect where, for example, a strong increase in the prices of fares, fuel andgeneral consumption products is unloaded.The usual political speculationsUnfortunately, this campaign has been tinged with partisan lines. The FA not onlylimited the challenge of the law to 135 articles, but also conditions thecampaign, focusing it on the 2024 elections. Its most relevant figuresparticipate in the public events organized by the National Commission and in factthis referendum as a "government plebiscite".These petty political speculations not only do not help in this fight against theLUC, but they "mix up the decks" even more than they already were. That the FAreturns to government will not be a panacea for those below nor will it guaranteethat such disastrous measures will be reversed. Suppose for a moment that the LUCis not repealed and the FA wins the elections in 2024: will the FA governmentrepeal the LUC or these 135 articles? Or will he govern "within the law" asTabaré Vázquez pointed out in 2005 to maintain that the law of impunity was goingto be maintained?It is that prevails in its ranks, mainly in its "leading cadres", the conceptionthat the work of wearing down the government is done by the social movement, theunions, the housing cooperatives, the student unions, etc., that it be themovement that paves the way for them to reach government again in 2024.Of course, all this immersed in a very poor political debate, where for"progressivism" the maximum horizon is possibility, that is, what is possiblewithin this social system and that does not bother those above or the right.The Necessary Class IndependenceIt is for this reason that the popular field must practice and defend daily classindependence from any political, state, employer or religious organization, toact according to their interests and their own strategy. It has been more thanhealthy that the unions went their own way explaining the LUC, at least in thearticles that concern them. The popular movement is not and should not beanyone's caboose or anyone's cheap labor force. He is the true protagonist of thepopular struggles and he is the one who has stopped in the street the advance ofthe most disastrous neoliberal policies that have been imposed in the country. Ithas been the popular organizations that have conquered all the rights that we enjoy.Only regardless of class will the popular movement be able to face the differentmaneuvers of those above and the political system to curtail rights, cut wages,allow those above to be increasingly rich based on the efforts of the workers,and draw a perspective of social change and transformation.perspectivesTherefore, this does not end in March. Whether the referendum is won or lost, thefight against the LUC and the anti-popular policies of those above continues.Undoubtedly, partially annulling the norm is a political signal for the right andthose above, but the fight does not end there, and obviously those above andtheir most reactionary representatives will put into operation new strategies andmechanisms to apply their policies. As we said above, they may even want to takerevenge with various anti-popular measures, or perhaps this will stop some othernefarious projects that are in the making, such as the Social Security reform, anissue on which there is political consensus to increase the retirement age.There is also a political consensus not to touch the Military Fund and continuepouring out more than 500 million dollars a year, the result of the efforts ofthe working people to pay the pensions of generals, colonels and all the formerstaff of that apparatus of death that are the Armed forces.We must not lose sight of the fact that this continues, that the reactionaryforces continue to operate quietly, that they have impunity to promote a billthat allows the release of what they call "political prisoners", and that theyare nothing more than murderers and torturers.Therefore, the struggle continues and we believe that the militancy must promotethe strengthening of popular organizations, call for the participation of thepeople and guarantee it, mobilize in the face of every injustice and forheartfelt demands, bringing together those from below in a Class Front. Oppressedthat put bow to a different society.As we have seen in recent years on our continent: these are times of people onthe streets.AGAINST THE LUC AND THE ADVANCEMENT OF THE RIGHTBUILD PEOPLE POWERUP THOSE WHO FIGHT!URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATIONhttp://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/carta-opinion-marzo-2022-contra-la-luc-y-el-avance-de-la-derecha/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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