Whether within the CGT, the FSU, Solidaires, there was already much talk of union
unification lately. The electoral sequence that has just ended has heightened thestakes. So unification, okay, but what for ? And how ? ---- The question of unionunification is not quite as old as the labor movement, but not far off. Thepresidential electoral sequence naturally heightened the stakes, particularlywith the (real) risk of Le Pen coming to power. Before outlining the possiblescenarios, we must present the terms of the debate. ---- It is of course markedhistorically by two successive disunities: in 1921 between reformists keeping theacronym CGT, and revolutionaries of the CGTU (" U " for unitary) ; in 1947between a CGT under communist influence and a CGT-Force Ouvrière (FO),heterogeneous at its origin, marrying revolutionary tendencies and Atlanticistreformists. It is also marked by a mythical (and mythified) reunification, thatof 1936, inseparable from the general strike, the occupation of factories and theadvances of the Popular Front [1].But today there is no disunity of only a few years to repair, no re-unificationto be done, and union unification, as it is projected in the minds of activists,or as it is discussed in union structures, essentially concerns the trio CGT, FSUand SUD-Solidaires. The unity of action of these three organizations ismanifested by an inter-union and inter-professional axis, which can associate FO,real and established for a few years now.A recent article from the Rapports de force [2]site highlighted the topicalitythrough the debates of the recent trade union congresses: it is the congress ofthe FSU singing L' Internationale after having decided to set up " liaisoncommittees " in the departments ; the congress of the Solidarity Trade UnionUnion considering the " possibility of inter-union restructuring at the base, inthe territories and sectors " ; the secretary general of the CGT, PhilippeMartinez inviting to " go further " in unity.And why not ?Some will say, " Why not after all ? But it must be remembered that today'sexisting organizations do not really have a common organizational past. The FSU,partly heir to the defunct National Education Federation (FEN, quasi unique unionin education at one time) having refused the split of 1947... is precisely onlypartly so, and this for sixty -fifteen. A life.The unions which merged into Solidaires having more or less the same origin - theNational Union of Journalists (SNJ) or the former Unified National Tax Union(SNUI) today Solidaires Public Finances - underwent organizational bifurcationand a kind of acclimatization to more radical strategies in contact with SUDtrade unions [3].We must not forget either that a union is a living organism, built by women andmen giving their time, their energy, to bring to life orientations, militantpractices, a form of culture too, which can justify the existence of differentorganizations.This is what those who founded the SUD unions had understood: excluded orresigned from the CFDT at the dawn and at the beginning of the 1990s, it was notpossible for them to join a CGT in a thousand places. then of the self-managementsocialist project that animated them. The tool which had been built through theCFDT left could, had to, be transformed in order to maintain itself.The gamble paid off, even though it might have been accused of dividing theworking class (including by revolutionary militants... who ended up acknowledgingtheir mistake). Moreover, the workers did not hesitate to validate it bycontributing their voices and their membership in the SUD unions.Always differencesNor can it be ruled out that these practices, these strategies, these differentorientations have had very concrete consequences over the last few years: therehas always been a trade unionism won over to the self-organization of struggleswhich must confront to another, struggling to overcome hierarchical andauthoritarian models. This explains the emergence of SUD-Solidaires trade unionsin companies. Within the FSU this is what prompted the territorial union, theSnuter, because undoubtedly more in " competition " with CGT structures than inthe education sector, to be visibly more measured on the prospects for 'unification.We can still think of the difficulties that our comrades from SUD, at the SNCF orat the Post Office to take only these examples, have encountered in the long termin the face of CGT apparatus steeped in hegemonic ambitions. In many departments,the " middle managers " of the CGT (we will pass the expression) still remainattached to the PCF or to its history, trained in the old school as they say ;conceiving, in all circumstances, union unity in close rank behind theirorganization, the little finger on the seam of the pants.A union is a living organism, built by women and men giving their time, theirenergy, to bring to life orientations, practices, and also a form of culture. Somany things that can justify the existence of different organizations, and standin the way of unification.Photo: Daniel MaunouryDespite all this, we cannot dismiss the existing debate out of hand either and,above all, the fact that many and many employees, union members or not, do notalways see the usefulness that there are different unions. Who hasn't known workcolleagues who don't even care about the affiliation of their staffrepresentative ? She's a " trade unionist " and that's enough, no need to knowmore.Four scenarios anywayWhile we have just avoided the worst and the seizure of power by the fascists,let us present - in the manner of science fiction - some scenarios ofunifications and their possible consequences.1. Emergency unificationIn the period we are going through, between the shift to authoritarian democracyand accelerated fascism, the desire to build a " dam organization " caninitiate unification despite the differences. At the risk of urgency, such aconstruction can be justified, but it would be done on bases imposed fromoutside. Is this the best guarantee of militant solidarity and confidence in thecommon tool ?Activists' sense of responsibility may lead to this, but one might prefer a sortof " inter-union defense committee " ensuring permanent joint work by unionexecutives at all levels without destroying existing structures.2. Absorption in the " big CGT "Simple, basic. It would suffice to rally purely and simply the CGT as it is. Tomelt into it and to submit to it. The scenario, if it has always been the onlyhypothesis of the most orthodox of the central Montreuil, is to be avoided as itwould crush the union cultures built over the years and on the ground ofstruggles. It would be the guarantee that union structures refuse unification andprefer to remain autonomous. In short, a foil.3. Unification of staffsAn agreement at the top, texts of congress badly appropriated by the teams, acoating on the calendar, and here we are with a unification of staffs. Again,failure is guaranteed. Quite simply because the feeling of being duped wouldagitate many activists, regardless of their organisations. Also, and even if it'snot very glorious, because positions, titles, union availabilities would behackneyed, and no doubt from above. The promise of secessions, immediately or inthe future, would be the inevitable consequence.However, this is an improbable scenario as the trade union organizations retainan internal democratic life and the " management " (a term which does not coverthe different ways of assuming responsibilities) are attentive to it, evendependent on it.4. L'unification offensiveUnitary campaigns, inter-union activity that is not " on paper " with, at theend, a major social movement and, who knows ?, a generalized strike coupled witha social explosion like that of the yellow vests. It would be a way of reweavingmilitant collectives in action and in struggle. To share practices, to unifystrategies.Certainly not everything would be swept away at once. The new comes from the old.But a space would be created for a unification that would rhyme with the creationof a union tool forged by lived experience, in which there would be debates, nodoubt tensions (organizational patriotism often has a hard life). But where thedefense of self-organization, openness to all social movements and therevolutionary perspective would be the stakes of stronger trade unionism. Thereis probably no better scenario.Théo Rival (UCL Austerlitz), avril 2022To validate[1] Gérard Coste, " 1921-1936: from split to reunification ", Les Utopiquesn°5, June 2017[2] Stéphane Ortega, " The unification of struggle unionism runs through theminds of certain union leaders ", Rapports de force , February 3, 2022.[3] " Where is the Union Syndicale Solidaires ? " , Libertarian Alternative ,February 2022.https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?L-unification-syndicale-pour-quoi-faire_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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