On September 25, the Italians elected a new parliament. The union of the right
and the far right prevailed, propelling Georgia Meloni, the leader of the fascistFratelli d'Italia party, to power. ---- The early general elections this fall inItaly, following the vote of no confidence against the previous coalitiongovernment led by the liberal Mario Draghi, opposed three political forces: thecenter-left embodied by the Democratic Party; the former populist Mouvement 5Étoiles (M5S) party; and the right-wing bloc that unites Forza Italia(Berlusconi), the League (extreme right) and Fratelli d'Italia. Despiteideological differences, for example on Europe or Russia, these three partiesagree on the essentials: neoliberalism, racism and Islamophobia, patriarchal andanti-LGBT conservatism, nationalism, support for fossil fuels, historicalrevisionism over the period fascist.The choice of Georgia Meloni as the right-wing candidate is revealing. His party,born in 2012, comes from the National Alliance, itself a continuation of theItalian Social Movement (MSI). Created in 1946 by former members of the fascistregime, it had been excluded from institutional political life until itsintegration into a government led by Berlusconi in 1994. If Meloni does not claimto be fascist, this heritage and certain symbols like the desire to question thenational holiday of April 25, which marks the end of the fascist regime, leavesno doubt about its ideology: a neo-fascism that combines ultra-liberal capitalismand social conservatism.The neofascists at the gates of powerThe links between the MSI and France have been numerous: its symbol, the flame inthe colors of the Italian flag, is taken up directly by the FN, and on severaloccasions it allies itself in the European elections with French people includingJean-Marie Le Pen . Even today, a MEP from Fratelli is the husband of MarionMaréchal. Faced with the direct threat of the arrival of a fascist in power, theforces of the left have not been up to the task: the Democratic Party placesitself solely on the level of values, just as the citizens' movement had done desSardines, launched in 2019 in Bologna in the face of an anti-immigration decree.Despite protests in traditionally left-leaning cities, the movement has failed tobuild lasting protest. It should also not be forgotten that the Democratic Partyand the M5S governed with the League and its far-right positions. They were alsoleading a policy of social destruction and repression during the murder in June2021, on a picket line, of a trade unionist of Moroccan origin.This is probably what explains their absence from what could have been a majorunitary social and political movement combining economic demands, politicalfreedoms and anti-racism. As for the extreme left, divided and weak, it has notsucceeded in building a large-scale anti-fascist response, especially since it issubjected to the sometimes deadly violence of the state and fascist groups.By abandoning any program of radical change based on the social movement, toinstead accompany the racist and socially destructive policies of the far right,social democracy has bet on moral and electoral anti-fascism. But the latter hasproven its ineffectiveness, showing that only a mass and unifying movement canreverse the trend.Hugo (UCL Montreuil) and Hughes (UCL Saint-Denis)https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Italie-Vol-noir-sur-la-peninsule_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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