Telling the Fridays for Future climate justice movement today is complex. Firstly
for its many souls, secondly for the different forms in which it takes shape indifferent parts of the country. However, it is possible to try to grasp itsevolutions and to look at the processes in progress, aware that they do notexhaust the understanding of this galaxy but they give us substantial clues andshow us spaces for action and interstices that open up for a radical fightagainst this system. ---- I was an activist for Fridays for Future for severalyears, except to step aside when a generation much younger than mine took overthe reins of the now fragmented group (for several reasons, including the urgencyto migrate in search of work or to return to their hometown after finishing theirstudies not being able to afford to pay a rent, a structural condition in ourprecarious generation), trying to root it in schools. However, this experiencewas very formative from a political point of view. I remember very well, in theinitial phase of this movement, the constant recommendation - which at times tookon tones of judgment and condemnation - by very politicized groups who took thechair to remember that environmentalism without class struggle is gardening.unitx to FFF coming from anti-capitalist militancy paths, so we understood thesefears well.Yet, by questioning not our principles but our posture within this movement, orby accepting that - strengthened by our militant past - we would not have taughtanyone anything, but we will have discussed and learned everything together, wehave seen many processes being triggered. important and radical, which were notthe result of a militant discourse assumed by a new movement, but the result of aprocess that brought different visions and languages into dialogue and imaginednew practices, going to the root of the problem.People completely new to politics forced us to rethink militant work, and theyshowed us a field of possibilities that we weren't able to look at. Thus, in thiscontinuous exchange that is as horizontal and dialectical as possible, the slogan"let's give a voice to science" isbecome "science is fine, but this must be read within specific powerrelationships". The timid stances against the great devastating works of thiscountry have become, over the months, firm condemnations to the energy-intensiveand predatory paradigm of the great work, leading this movement to cross thepaths of the Valsusa against TAV, the fields of Coltano against the new militarybase, the streets of Ravenna against the CCS[CO2 capture and storage project,ed.]. The appeal to reduce CO2 emissions has been welded to a struggle so that"those who pollute pay".All this has meant looking at climate change, identifying its effects andresponsible for it starting from what we have immediately outside our front door.Finding spaces for concrete action and conflict through which to territoriallydecline the fight for climate justice, without losing the global framework ofthis fight.But not only. This also meant looking at the ecological question as a question ofpower relations, rejecting those narratives that depict nature as a peacefulterrain and the climate crisis as a challenge that sees us all in the same boat,flattening the tensions and asymmetries that deeply connote this field of action.Not surprisingly, a few months after the birth of this movement in March 2019,campaigns began against specific subjects such as large fossil companies,logistics multinationals, fast fashion brands and others. The Enemy of the planetcampaign brought various groups of FFF in front of the gates of ENI refineries,Block Friday led - on Black Friday - to the blocking of large logistics chainssuch as Amazon and fashion chains such as Zara, just to make examples.FFF must therefore be recognized, with all the limitations that exist andpersist, for having pointed the finger at those responsible for ecologicaldegradation and climate change, managing to bring this level of analysis andconflict out of militant circuits. At the same time, we cannot ignore the factthat this process has not taken place in the same way and with the same intensitythroughout the country and that there is no total symmetry in terms of visionsand perspectives between local groups and those who fill the squares during theclimate strikes. These elements undoubtedly make FFF a multi-speed movement,within which, however, new horizons and new alliances are being outlined thatcould change its trajectory.Fridays for Future, climate change and the workers' questionWhen the ecological question began to be read as a question of power relations,the fulcrum of environmental injustice was grasped. Access to nature and exposureto ecological degradation are not only the same for everyone, but depend on thestratification of oppressions linked to gender, class, origin, age and others,which make some subjectivities more exposed than others to environmental injustice.In this context, what is most paradoxical has been the settling, in recentdecades, of a conflict between the right to a healthy environment and the rightto work, especially in areas where there is a consolidated presence ofrefineries, steel and chemical industries, and in general factories that have astrong impact on the environment and the climate. Yet, the working class is themost exposed both to environmental degradation, due to its daily interaction withharmfulness, and to climate change, as evidenced by the various victims that havebeen in Italy in the workplace due to heat waves. and the significant increase inaccidents at work related to thermal stress (4 thousand more accidents per yearin Italy according to Inail).As if that weren't enough, the costs of "environmental" and "ecologicaltransition" policies are now discharged onto the shoulders of the working class. From the measure to raise the price of fuel to reduce CO2 emissions decreed inFrance in 2018, which led to the rise of the movement of the Gilets Jaunes,mostly of proletarian composition and coming from the suburbs and rural areas, tothe dismissal of workers GKN of Campi Bisenzio in 2021 in the name of thetransition to electric cars (a market that in Italy does not appear to becompetitive according to the company) the class dimension of these environmentalpolicies has emerged in all its evidence.This has concretely opened up a new battlefield for the climate justice movement,in Italy and around the world. The mobilization of this worker component hasreopened a latent fracture, that between life and capital, which seemed to bedormant, fragmented into a thousand other tensions unable to connect andintersect, or bypassed by the environment-work fracture that now seemedunshakeable and natural.If the struggles in the factory in the 70s in Italy speak to us of a differentstory, in which the working class takes center stage in the great "ecologicalspring" of those years, obtaining significant environmental improvements in theworkplace - and consequently in the external environment - and transforming theapproach of the entire National Health System starting from prevention, thestruggles that are developing today in some workplaces remind us that thisapparently crystallized conflict is actually socially constructed by capital, andthat against this dynamic we are can act.Compared to this space of conflict that has opened, animated by workers * whorightly do not want to pay the price of an ecological transition that turns outto be a large accumulation of capital in a "green" key, Fridays for Future hasentered well, working on an alliance and convergence with the worker component.This happened with the Collettivo di Fabbrica GKN of Campi Bisenzio, leading totwo connected days of mobilization on 25 and 26 March of this year, but also inCivitavecchia, where workers and ecological movements are working together toblock the reopening of the central coal and reconvert its production according toappropriate environmental and social standards. From the climate strikes that put the voice of the student component at thecenter, which rhetorically asked the world what it was for them to continuestudying for a future that has been stolen from them, this young movement hascome to block distribution chains, challenge big companies both at the gates ofthe refineries and under the buildings where the assemblies and shareholders areheld, denouncing the speculation on the fossils of banks such asIntesa San Paolo or Unicredit, to occupy the streets with the workers. It isessential to take into account this whole process when we talk about theecological movement and ask ourselves about it. It is necessary to take this intoaccount in order to understand the procedural nature of the movements. Thesquares - likethat of 23 September - they tell us something, but what happens between onesquare and another? What spaces for comparison are being built? Whatrelationships are nurtured? Could all local FFF groups be reflected in thisdescription? I do not believe. And of course mine is also a partial perspective,which concerns what I have seen, experienced and helped to build.As a militant, now external to FFF, I wonder about this space of struggle, abouthow to cross it, contaminate it and let myself be contaminated, withoutpretending to provide a judgment or to teach anyone anything. I think it isimportant to ask us all, and take care of a field of struggle and dialogue thathas opened, which could close or expand tomorrow, intertwining with all the otherstruggles that cut across the ecological question. Precisely because it concernsthe very right to breathe, to eat, to drink water, in essence to live, nature isthe most political terrain there can be.Paola Imperatorehttps://collettivoanarchico.noblogs.org/post/2022/10/10/riflessioni-sparse-su-fridays-for-future-dal-climate-strike-alla-convergenza/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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