#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #ITALY #ANARCHISM #LIBRARY #News #Journal #Update - (en) #Italy, FDCA: RIGHTS ARE GAINED COLLECTIVELY AND ONLY IN PACE WITH SOCIAL ACHIEVEMENTS (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 In Italy in the last administrative elections the right did not win but, more

likely, the center left (CS) lost. ---- As a consequence of the defeat suffered
by the lower classes in our country and thanks to an unfair electoral law shared
at the time and also supported by the CS, a reactionary minority has come to
power which represents just 27.9% of the entitled to vote, in consideration of
the abstention rate equal to 39.5%. ---- FdI, the one that qualified as the first
party, actually expresses about 15.7% of the real votes. ---- We are therefore
governed by a strongly minority reactionary coalition also according to the
canons of bourgeois democracy. ---- But it's not just a question of percentages:
the current government does not form a strong coalition of moderate and
reactionary sectors of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois alignment, and it does
not possess any autonomy and authority in matters of economic affairs and
international politics , and will only be able to move in continuity with the
previous Draghi government.
Consequently, to distinguish itself, it will divert to the spectacular (see the
renaming of ministries, the decline of male roles, etc.) by acting above all on
internal issues as regards mass and opposition movements, in matters of civil
rights, women and minorities, abortion, education and migrants, compressing all
these realities into an identity-based, sovereign and repressive perspective.

Then there is the intent to quickly rewrite history, resulting from a deep sense
of frustration and revenge that pervades the entire government coalition, which
pushes ministers and undersecretaries to have "the word faster than thought",
flaunting a protagonism that claims to "leave a mark". In this regard, the letter
to the students of Minister Valditara is emblematic in the establishment of "the
day of freedom" to celebrate the anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall,
where a rambling and livid anti-communism tries to balance the Nazi-fascist
barbarism.

But it is precisely on this last aspect that we need to start a profound reflection.

There is in fact the risk of ending up compressed between the precipitation of
the national and international political situation and the instrumental
opposition of the Democratic Party, which exhibits an anti-fascism and a defense
of rights by separating them from the material interests of the subaltern
classes, in line with the pro-ownership role, atlantisata and pro-imperialist
already carried out in the Draghi government. There is therefore the concrete
risk of being confused with these instrumental intentions and of drifting towards
an institutional, propaganda and principled anti-fascism.
The problem then urgently arises of building an articulated social opposition
tending to link rights to the defense of the living conditions of the lower
classes, in an anti-state, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist perspective.
For the ongoing war in Ukraine it is also essential to unmask the imperialist
matrix, shunning impotent pacifism and relaunching internationalism for the unity
of the international proletariat, which must be assumed as a strategic objective
to be declined in the concrete of the current crisis.
However, it is necessary to go beyond the statement and decline internationalism
in a programmatic perspective, which identifies in the creation of a strong
European trade union the way to articulate and support international contracts
for the defense of the living conditions of male and female workers lower classes
of the entire continent, to give a change to the environmental devastation by
stemming the logic of profit and financial capital, and also to gather and
organize the currently dispersed exceptional impact force of the entire European
trade union movement, to direct it against the imperialist war and its dramatic
repercussions on the lower classes.
We are also aware that a large part of the left, of the institutional one and of
the one that is no longer one but still aspires to become one, looks the other way.
In fact, it considers the construction of a parliamentary political bank to be
assumed as a political and institutional reference point for the defense of the
interests of workers and the lower classes in our country as an absolute priority.
For these political components, the lack of a parliamentary support constitutes
the main reason for the weakness of the entire trade union movement and its
progressive crisis, and similar arguments characterize many of the interventions
in the grassroots congresses that are taking place in preparation for the XIX
congress of the CGIL, a union organization that sees a constant passage of union
leaders in the electoral cartels and in the parliamentary groups of the more or
less moderate and radical left.

For those like us who believe that in today's capitalist society trade unionism
expresses a "naturally reformist" function, reducing itself to a role that is
generally complementary to capitalism itself, the transfer of trade union
bureaucracy/parliamentarianism does not constitute any novelty and does not
arouse amazement or perplexity. If anything, we are interested in highlighting
and admonishing the simplifications of even a radical left that considers the
trade union perspective compatible with the parliamentary one, even to the extent
of complementing if not merging.
Instead, we believe that entrusting the social roles, functions and perspectives
of mass movements and union organization to parliaments and institutions (albeit
considering the latter reformist, as is the union in capitalist society), means
replacing the dynamics the concerted logic of the clash between the classes
which, with the moderation of trade union demands and the conflict, in the
perspective of compatibility with the capitalist system and the pursuit of the
national interest, has suffocated social and mass movements, characterizing the
seasons darker than the Italian trade union movement. We also believe that the
autonomy of the union and more generally of the struggles is not just a statement
but that it must be declined not in parliamentary party processes, but in
concrete and unitary objectives for the defense of the environment, living
conditions and rights of workers and the weakest and least protected social
strata. A process to be articulated in the coherence of means ends, aimed at
developing an awareness of individual and collective class, in order to create
the premises for the evolution of the entire class movement "from class in itself
to class for itself", towards the ambitious but exciting prospect of pursuing the
historical interests of the lower classes.

It is also foreseeable that this government, despite everything, will last and
this awareness must push the militants who recognize themselves in communist
anarchism to a reflection to recover and enhance our historical elaboration by
recovering, but above all updating, the teachings of Bakunin (role of the acting
minority), by Cafiero (Anarchist Communism) and Fabbri (the themes developed in
"The preventive counter-revolution" and in "Dictatorship and revolution").
Especially from this last point of view, that of Fabbri's elaboration, it is
evident that the construction of a revolutionary process needs to break with the
"economic determinism" still widespread today within both the reformist and
radical left, affirming and staunchly arguing that rights are determined and
conquered not individually but collectively and only hand in hand with social
conquests: if the latter worsen, one also retreats in terms of civil rights and
freedom.

112th Council of Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA Delegates
Cremona 04/12/2022

http://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/blog/2022/12/15/i-diritti-si-conquistano-collettivamente-e-solo-di-pari-passo-alle-conquiste-sociali-2/
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