In early February, the Long March to Strasbourg for the freedom of Ocallan, who
has been imprisoned since 1999 on the prison island of Imrali, took place. It wasattended by Kurds from the diaspora and supporters of their cause, especiallyfrom Germany, France and Switzerland. The origin of this march dates back to1984, the year in which it was first held as a march for the liberation of theKurdish people. There, the nickname Apo was coined, as a diminutive, to refer toAbdullah Ocallan ---- The Long March, beyond claiming Ocallan's freedom, which isa symbol of the Kurdish struggle, is a proclamation to the world of thatrevolution is possible. ---- Since 2019, his team of lawyers has not been able tosee Ocallan, given the bureaucratic obstacles that the Turkish governmentimposes. The isolation to which they have subjected this person gives an idea ofthe caliber that the mobilization of the Kurdish population has for the Turkishstate.Until a few years ago in these parts, the Kurdish movement was considered onemore national liberation movement of the many that emerged in the 70s and 80s. Infact, that was how it was originally. However, after Ocallan's imprisonment, thePKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) and sponsored by the leader himself from prison,experienced a shift towards Democratic Confederalism, abandoning the Marxism thatit had used until then. In few and reductionist words, Democratic Confederalismdefends that the liberation of society has to begin with the liberation of womenfrom patriarchy and that, far from the State being a solution for the people,this is a problem, for which it is committed by the confederation from below ofcommunes, organized from popular assemblies.This, at least, is how Democratic Confederalism has taken practical form inRojava, one of the four parts into which historical Kurdistan is divided (Rojava,in Syria; Bakur in Turkey; Basur in Iraq and Rojhilat in Iran, according todenomination). geographic West-North-South-East). With the outbreak of the Syriancivil war and the appearance of ISIS, faced with a power vacuum, the Kurds ofRojava, organized through the PYD and a constellation of associations of allkinds, among which Kongra STAR stands out, launched to carry out the practice ofits anti-patriarchal, radical democratic and eco-socialist revolutionary project,counting on all the ethnic minorities of the area; they formed militias, themixed YPG and the female YPJ to confront and, ultimately, corner Daesh, gaveshelter to the massacred Yazidis in northern Iraq or founded a new version ofsociology, Jineology or Women's Science.The organizational experiment started in Rojava to circumvent the state model isbased on popular councils. It is an organization from the bottom up that beginswith the village or even street councils, the municipality and the canton (inprinciple Rojava was configured in three cantons -Afrin, Kobane and Cizire-) toend in a kind of plenary, since From each council, two mandatory delegates areelected (one woman and one man) who go to the higher instance. Given the ethnicconfiguration of the area and expressly fleeing from the cultural monolithismcongenital to the State form, there is a system of quotas by ethnic group forparticipation in council assemblies, thus minority ethnic groups are guaranteed aminimum participation of 10%. . While the liberation of women is a non-negotiableprinciple of the movement, this organizational model is twofold: there are mixedcouncils and exclusively female councils at all levels of this democraticself-administration. And so each level has a male and female co-presidency.Today, beyond Rojava, the KCK and the KJK (female) bring together all thedemocratic confederalist organizations.The economic model is based on the formation of cooperatives, and aims to recovera non-commercial, self-managed, local economy that is as self-sufficient as possible.In those circumstances (2015) the media focus fell on what was happening inRojava, also given the tactical collaboration with the US in the fight againstIslamofascism, while the sights of a part of the Western revolutionary militancydid so, mainly the libertarian , given the coincidences of the approaches andexperiences and the express call of its protagonist to the world "democratic"movements.Not only did they receive sympathy and moral support from the so-called West, butalso many people decided to join them by showing up there, despite thedifficulties, either to fight in the militias or to offer them logistical ortraining support. One of the initiatives that has stood out the most in thisregard is the creation of the Internationalist Commune, which brings togetherpeople from various countries willing to contribute in practice on the ground.CNT published in 2019 the book "Make Rojava Green Again", which tells it in moredepth. In this book, it should be underlined because political analysis andinformation tends to predominate in what comes from Rojava, notions of theeconomic model are presented that, based on the formation of cooperatives, intendto recover a non-commercial, self-managed economy, of proximity and asself-sufficient as possible, based on knowledge of the environment in which itdevelops and abandoning extractivist approaches. This, even with all thedifficulties and obstacles imaginable and being, as it is, Rojava, the area ofSyria with the most oil wells.With Daesh cornered, the project is attacked by the Turkish state that conquers,with the support of Islamist militias, one of the three cantons in which Rojavahad been configured, that of Afrin, in 2018. Since then, constant violations ofhuman rights have been reported in that area, including the use of chemicalweapons, in particular white phosphorous, for which Rojava is requesting aninternational investigation. In addition, the area is under embargo. Meanwhile,the Rojavís try to maintain control over the Islamist control camps that inrecent times are managing to escape, which may lead to a resurgence of thenever-extinct Daesh. In this area, and despite the fact that the United Stateswithdrew its troops from the area during Trump's time, there are still Americancontingents that help the Kurds in this thankless task.The organizational experiment started in Rojava to circumvent the state model isbased on popular councilsIn other areas of Kurdistan the population is still under the boot of the States;thus in Iran arrests are reported while in Turkey members of the HDP politicalparty that unites the Kurdish left and part of the Turkish are imprisoned ortheir populations suffer oppression (especially in 2017, the year in whichseveral municipalities opted to proclaim autonomy democratic). Autonomous IraqiKurdistan is politically dominated by Barzani's party.There are several attempts by the Kurdish movement to find support, among othersfor the EU to remove the PKK from the list of terrorist organizations, for whichthere has recently been a signature campaign. Also part of the parliamentary leftboth in the European parliament and in national parliaments such as the Swedishhave denounced Turkey's attitude or have requested a review of the status of thePKK; ERC and Bildu tabled a parliamentary question on HDP MP Aysul Tugluk ill andimprisoned in Turkey. However, the attitude of the European governments that havea preferred partner in Turkey is not likely to make Erdogan uncomfortable. Thus,impediments are found and recently a Spanish activist, María, was even expelledfrom Germany, especially linked by economic ties to Turkey, for carrying outactivities in support of Kurdistan. Currently there is a campaign in favor of her.In fact, the celebration of the long march has not gone smoothly. There weredetentions of activists at the borders of the passing countries and even whenpassing through Germany the usual display of Ocallan's image and even theexclamation of his name was expressly prohibited.https://www.cnt.es/noticias/la-larga-marcha-kurda-caminando-hacia-el-futuro/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.caSPREAD THE INFORMATION
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