#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #BRAZIL #ANARCHISM #LIBRARY #News #Journal #Update - (en) #Brazil, UNIPA: Comunicat n. 79 - Bourgeois elections and class violence: we don't have a democracy to defend, but a tyranny to fight! (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Bakuninism interprets bourgeois elections through class war, analyzing the

economic and political conjuncture, the interstate system, as well as the
structural aspects of bourgeois elections, their role in the reproduction of
exploitation and oppression systems and the performance of each of the actors
involved (parties , interest groups, class entities and fractions of the
bourgeoisie), their programs in appearance and essence. ---- The Bakuninist
approach requires: 1) a materialist analysis, that is, understanding the class
war by analyzing the concrete actions of political subjects, organizations and
class fractions in the processes of capitalist exploitation and oppression; and
2) a dialectical analysis, which we resort to the antinomy authority-freedom ,
that is, the contradictions between the forces of bourgeois order, or the system
of authority , between popular and revolutionary forces, or the system of freedom .

Therefore, we must understand that a) elections are an expression of the game of
bourgeois domination, as a reinforcement of statism; b) elections are determined
by clientelism, patronage, electoral corrals, violence and vote buying; c)
reformist parties can win elections to the extent that they equip classist
organizations such as trade unions and movements electorally, and in doing so,
weaken the movement; d) the maintenance of these reformist parties in the power
bloc depends on their assimilation and collaboration with fractions of the
dominant classes.

In our Communiqué No. 61 , of January 1, 2019, we stated:

Every neoliberal agenda is organically linked to the expansion and improvement of
repression, therefore, the proto-fascist and ultraliberal program of the
Bolsonaro-Mourão government points to a new stage of repression of the people
accompanied by surrender policies, that is, subservience to interests of Capital,
with advances in privatizations, dismantling of public services and destruction
of social and labor rights .

The Bolsonaro-Mourão government confirmed itself as a government of
clerical-military-bourgeois reaction. The ruling classes broke the class
conciliation pact that sustained the PT governments (2003-2016), propitiating,
with the support of the Armed Forces and the Judiciary, the impeachment of Dilma
Rousseff and the subsequent rise of Bolsonaro, whose electoral campaign in the
barracks began still in 2014. This is yet another counterinsurgency reaction, a
reaction to the insurgent popular movement of 2013 and the ascending cycle of
strikes and occupations that followed (2013-2017). The advance of proto-fascism
strengthened the authority system, militarism, theologism and ultraliberalism in
the power structure of the Federal Government.[1]

Thus, between 2016 and 2018, Bolsonaro outlined a political dispute strategy that
not only relied on external factors that benefited him (PT crisis, Trump
administration, lack of leadership in the traditional right, etc.), but also his
own actions that managed to take advantage of of these elements and give a
relative unity (albeit very unstable, and against the will of some bourgeois
factions) around his candidacy.

In early 2021[2]we stated that the defense of a military coup in Brazil as a
strategy of the national and international bourgeoisie was losing strength. Thus,
the bourgeois fractions pointed to two more likely trends: 1) the construction of
a more pragmatic and neoliberal electoral alternative without Bolsonaro and 2) a
new class conciliation pact with the leftist party-union bureaucracies. The trend
towards a new pact was being built with Lula's eligibility, the change in the US
government and the opening of the CPI on the Pandemic and was consolidated with
the transfer of toucan Alckmin to the PSB.

In the field of union, popular and student movements, the policy of degenerate
reformism (Frente Brasil Popular e Povo Sem Medo, CUT, UNE, MST, MTST, PT,
PCdoB), led by lulopetismo, was to wear down Bolsonaro, mainly through
institutional means, such as the CPI and by virtual and symbolic actions, such as
impeachment requests, including with former Bolsonarist parliamentarians, such as
Joyce Hesselman. That is, he assumed the construction of the electoral pact of
collaboration and conciliation with the dominant factions.

In turn, the "renewed" reformism on the rise, recently articulated from the
UP/PCR, PCB and PSOL currents, built the "Povo na Rua" front, whose policy was to
remove Bolsonaro via impeachment before the 2022 elections. . Street acts in 2021
gained relative strength with the coming together of movements from the
peripheries and favelas and revolutionary anarchists and unionists, who had
already been combining a policy of mutual aid with direct action in the streets,
including clashing with reformist sectors that tried to prevent the advance of
the demonstrations. However, the collaborationist policy of lulopetismo managed
to prevail,

For its part, the bourgeoisie failed in its attempt to build the so-called "third
way", just as it failed in its effort to "tame" the captain. For this reason, it
found itself divided between the fractions that bet their chips on Bolsonaro's
re-election, as in the case of the São Paulo bank-cracy and Agribusiness, and
those that joined the Broad Front brought together by the Lula-Alckmin ticket ,
in particular the national bourgeoisie. and international level of the so-called
"green capitalism".

It is also important to highlight the external factors that benefited the
lulopetismo policy: 1) the victory of Joe Biden and the Democrats over the
Trumpist extreme right; 2) imperialist financing via "green capitalism" and its
geopolitical interests in the Amazon; 3) conflicts between imperialist powers
incited by the Ukraine war and 4) the genocidal management of the Pandemic by the
Bolsonaro government.

1. The elections and the strengthening of the extreme right in the bourgeois
parliament.

The first round of bourgeois elections[3]expressed a breakdown of the neoliberal
right organized mainly in the PSDB alliance with the former PFL, whose reference
is the two governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Marco Maciel (1994-2002).
The PSDB/Cidadania party federation elected 18 federal deputies, that is, they
lost eleven seats. União Brasil, the result of the merger of the DEM with the
PSL, which was born with the discourse of being the largest party, elected only
59 deputies, an increase of 8 seats. The MDB also had a small growth, rising from
47 to 52 elected representatives. Similar reductions took place on the benches of
the Republicans, Solidarity, PP, PSD, PTB.

The benches of the bourgeois fractions suffered reductions in the National
Congress[4]: the business bench reduced from 204 deputies and 38 senators to,
respectively, 178 and 32; the ruralist group reduced from 80 deputies and 27
senators to 57 and 24, respectively; the evangelical/bible bench reduced from 85
deputies to 73, but in the Senate it increased from 7 to 12 representatives; the
security/bullet bench reduced from 61 deputies to 56, but in the Senate it
increased from 9 to 10 representatives.

It is important to highlight that these relative reductions in the benches of the
bourgeois fractions do not represent losses in their capacities for pressure and
influence, in fact, their interests are united in the agendas of the extreme
right and Bolsonarism gathered mainly in the parliamentarians elected by the PL,
Bolsonaro's current party. which elected 99 federal deputies, coming close to the
record of the former PFL, which elected 100 deputies in 1998. With the largest
bench, the PL aims to be the center of gravity of the extreme right and
Bolsonarism in parliament.

In the field of degenerate reformism, the PT increased the number of seats in the
Federal Chamber to 68 deputies, and its party federation with the PCdoB and PV
reached 80 elected representatives. The federation of PSOL and Rede have 14
elected representatives. In turn, the union bench practically maintained the
previous number. There are 41 congressmen (30 from the PT), 36 deputies and 6
senators. Already Alckmin's PSB reduced its bench from 24 to 14 deputies.

In the second round of elections, degenerate reformism defended the candidacy of
the Lula-Alckmin ticket under the argument of fighting Bolsonarism and defending
democracy, that is, the bourgeois order under the aegis of the 1988 Constitution.
Thus, it managed to attract support from the neoliberal right , both the old
leaders of the PSDB and the renewed neoliberals, like the MDBist Simone Tebet.

The renewed reformists also defended the "critical vote" on the Lula-Alckmin
ticket, under the justification that the electoral defeat of the Bolsonaro-Braga
Neto ticket would be a hard blow to Bolsonarism, since it would remove its
control over the State machine, the resources and public policies. This idealist
argument abstracts from the growth of the extreme right and its radicalization.
It abstracts from the fact that the elected representation of the extreme right
in the National Congress is in itself sufficient to approve any measure,
including the ultraliberal reforms not completed by Bolsonaro and Guedes, such as
the Administrative Reform. Mainly, it abstracts that there is no point in
changing the government on duty, as all the structures of domination and
exploitation remain intact.

The new composition of the bourgeois parliament and the new rearrangement of the
executive power, with an apparent return to the class conciliation pact, are
consequences of the polarization between Lulopetismo and Bolsonarism (centralized
in the PL, but ideologically pulverized in several parties, Republicans, União
Brazil, PP, MDB, PSD, among others). This polarization is an expression of the
sharpening of the class war in the countryside and in the city. Preliminary
information from the Pastoral Land Commission points out that by August 2022, 25
murders were recorded as a result of conflicts, while in the whole of 2020 there
were 20 murders. In the same month of August, pistol shooting was responsible for
40% of deaths in the camp[5]. Across the country, police forces murdered 6,133
people in 2021 and expanded terrorism over favelas and peripheries with the
multiplication of massacres. While violence in the countryside is imposed by the
agribusiness bourgeoisie to increase the colonization of nature and territories,
massacring the native peoples, the genocide of black people in the favelas and
outskirts is one of the main weapons for the imposition of increasingly
precarious conditions of life and work.

For an effective understanding of the current context of class war, overcoming
the idealism of reformism, whether in its degenerate or renewed version, it is
necessary to reflect and analyze Brazil in the international context, to
understand the political and economic interests and conflicts of the powers
imperialists.

2. New Cold War and the location of Brazil in the new International Division of Labor

The Bakuninist interpretation, when characterizing global capitalism in its
ultra-monopoly phase, highlights the concentration of capital accumulation from
the expansion of forms of super-exploitation of the collective forces of the
working class on a world scale. Thus, the interstate system of domination imposes
the resurgence of dependence and subordination of peripheral and semi-peripheral
nations to empires, it is the expansionist-monopolist of States and the capital
responsible for the "new global wave of colonization" with the geopolitical
context of "new cold war".[6]

In the ultra-monopoly phase, the "developmentalist" model of the PT governments
in the first decades of the 21st century guaranteed and reinforced the
subordinate insertion of the Brazilian economy in the regime of concentrated
capital accumulation, with the so-called macroeconomic tripod ( floating exchange
rate, inflation target and target tax), and the export dependence of
agroextractivist activities, thus increasing the power of the bank, rentism and
agribusiness itself, while favoring a portion of the CLTtist formal salaried
working class, whose official unions were linked to the CUT, and civil servants
public. This was the basis of the conciliation of classes in the period 2003-2015.

Dilma Rousseff's impeachment, which unilaterally broke the class conciliation
pact, was simultaneously a counterinsurgency movement and an alignment of the
Brazilian economy according to imperialist interests. The capitalist powers
demanded a surrender government, a role that Michael Temer/MDB (2016-2018)
fulfilled without hesitation, applying one in Petrobras' new pricing policy
through the PPI (International Price Parity).[7]

The rise of Bolsonarism meant the advancement of surrender policies with the
ultraliberal policies of Paulo Guedes. It was Brazil's alignment with the global
extreme right, and fundamentally Donald Trump's position in the US. This
subordination to imperialism in its version of the international extreme right
guaranteed benefits to the bourgeois fractions that supported the rupture of the
class conciliation pact, thanks to the maintenance of the macroeconomic tripod,
the approval of the public spending ceiling, the privatization of state companies
, the labor and social security reforms, environmental deregulation, colonization
over territories and the massacre of indigenous peoples, peasants and blacks and
peripherals.

Brazilian indigenous peoples in the fight against the construction of the Belo
Monte hydroelectric plant in Xingú
This realignment was a requirement of the new wave of colonization of the
empires, to guarantee a predatory expansion of the extractive industry and
agroindustry and, consequently, provoked the deterritorialization of indigenous
peoples, quilombolas and other traditional communities. This economically and
politically strengthened the agribusiness bourgeoisie. The PAC of the PT
governments served these anti-people interests, strengthening both the rural
bourgeoisie and the financial sectors, the bancocracy, since there was no
macroeconomic change. But the imperialist crisis required the radicalization of
the wave of colonization, above all the subordination of the land, nature and
peoples.Only an extreme right-wing government, with a submissive and
ultra-liberal policy, would be able to fulfill this task.

In this way, the dependent insertion in the capitalist world economy and in the
interstate system was radicalized in the sense of increasing the informal labor
market linked to the service sector and subservience to US interests, under the
aegis of the Trumpist extreme right. Thus, Brazil remained a major supplier of
raw materials and food, while at the same time benefiting the bank and exporting
agribusiness with the devaluation of the real.

The environmental deregulation promoted by the Bolsonaro Government deeply
affected the already difficult and limited work of IBAMA employees and with that
affected Brazilian international relations, which had blocked foreign funds and
entered into a collision course with the European Union's foreign policy of
environmental protection , the UN and Biden, as soon as he won the elections. In
this sense, the Bolsonaro government weakened all multilateral integration
policies based on the BRICS and at the same time began to displease the US
itself, given the alliance of the Trumpist extreme right with the Bolsonaro
family, in particular.

Still on the international stage, we have the appearance of the Covid-19 Pandemic
that disorganized the global production chains and the increase in unemployment
in China impacted the entire world economy, in addition to the War in
Ukraine[8]which increased the price of fuel, increasing the internal price given
Petrobras' pricing policy to favor shareholders.

In this way, the Pandemic and the Ukraine War, in addition to Biden's victory in
the US, opened space for a possible new class pact in the context of Brazilian
dependent capitalism. In this context, on the one hand, the rise of China as a
dominant power and the shift from the North Atlantic to Asia as the main center
of capitalist accumulation. On the other hand, the decline of the global military
power of the USA and its supporters, marking the end of the Eurocentric
civilizational hegemony.

Geopolitics determined by ultramonopoly despotic tendencies and the
intensification of inter-imperialist disputes, in the form of the "new cold war",
dominate the reorganization of the interstate system since the beginning of the
2010s, however, plague and war, that is, the The Covid-19 pandemic and the war in
Ukraine acted as catalysts for these trends and variations of statist despotism
and theologism.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine and NATO's support for Ukraine are part of the
US-Russia infra-energy disputes. Oil and Gas will still be the main energy
sources in the next 20 years. The European and US sanctions against Moscow
favored the strengthening of its political, economic and military relations with
Beijing, that is, they produced the opposite effect to that intended by the
European Union and the US. So far, the EU has been the most affected, given its
dependence on Russian gas and the geopolitical difficulties in having other
sources of supply that are closer and cheaper, impacting its energy transition
project.

Growing disputes over mineral and infra-energy resources impact on the
expropriation of common goods to convert nature into a commodity. Resources such
as water and forest maintenance are becoming commodities to be traded, which is
one of the main points of global climate conferences. Brazil, Indonesia and the
Democratic Republic of Congo are already negotiating a kind of "OPEC of the
forests", since they have the largest tropical forests on the planet, with the
aim of transforming tropical forests into commodities to be traded in the carbon
market.

In this way, we can see that the pandemic situation and condition with genocidal
action by the Brazilian government that caused more than 700,000 people to die,
the global impact on the acceleration of geostrategic trends in countries, such
as reindustrialization projects, in addition to infrastructure disputes and the
The rise of the global extreme right, which was electorally defeated in the
United States, made it possible for the PT to build a range of alliances whose
main point was the defense of the Amazon, which in practice means the development
of a green capitalism in Brazil as a major supplier of carbon sequestration. ,
not eliminating the financialized and dependent character of Brazilian capitalism.

3 - The return of lulopetismo and post-election Bolsonarism

 From the point of view of elections, lulopetismo[9]built a Frente Ampla in
defense of the liberal bourgeois order inaugurated from the Constitution of 1988.
In this sense, the Lula-Alckmin alliance and its victory favored the system of
authority, by strengthening and legitimize state powers.

Degenerate reformism, its organizations and its grassroots militancy have been
celebrating the electoral victory as if the extreme right and its project had
been defeated. However, the Frente Ampla is incapable of defeating the extreme
right, nor does it mean a defeat of the racist and patriarchal bourgeoisie.
Bakunin clearly perceived the fallacy of alliances with bourgeois parties when he
stated that

all the experiences of history show us that an alliance concluded between two
different parties always works to the benefit of the most backward party; this
alliance necessarily weakens the most advanced party, diminishing, deforming its
program, destroying its moral strength, its confidence in itself . (BAKUNIN,
1872[10]).

The reformist degeneration of lulopetismo was materialized in 2002, with the
electoral alliance with the PL, however, the alliances of the Frente Ampla of
2022 indicate a moment of no return, whose degeneration advances towards the
field of renewed reformism. Passive adherence to the electoral project of
lulopetismo reinforced the guardianship and commitment of all leftist electoral
parties, including their bureaucracies in the union, student and popular
movement, with the bourgeois, racist and patriarchal State.

Degenerate and "renewed" reformism follow predictable political strategies of
realignment with the bourgeois order, as Bakunin states:

Between the radical party of republicans and the moderate doctrinaire party of
constitutional liberals there is no essential difference. Among them, the
principle is the same; only their temperaments differ. Both sides place the
State, family law and, deriving from the latter, the right of inheritance and
private property at the base of their social organization, that is, the right of
the possessing minority to exploit the work of the non-existent majority. owner.
(Bakunin, 1870[11]).

This new realignment of the reformist camp seeks to avoid new ruptures in the
organization of masses linked to lulopetismo, as occurred with the creation of
CONLUTAS and with the foundation of PSOL. In fact, Psolism may crumble with its
adherence to the government. Likewise, it must increase control over the
combative proletarian youth and alignment trends in local struggles with more
autonomous movements or struggles. It is, therefore, the strengthening of the
State and the Republic of 1988 through increasing the tutelage and control over
popular movements as a way of safeguarding "democracy".Not by chance, Lula has
already announced the return of spheres of class conciliation: the so-called
national conferences, tripartite forums that bring together the government,
businessmen and union, student and popular bureaucracies.

Quite possibly we will have more strengthening of these spheres of class
conciliation with the reissue of the strategy to co-opt and weaken popular
struggles, replacing them with the know-how developed by the CUT and by the other
reformist social movements in previous PT governments: participation in state
spheres to discussion and implementation of public policies from the conciliation
of classes .

The relative novelty in the strategy of taming the popular masses and their
adherence to the bourgeois order is found in ministerial formation, such as the
incorporation of the false discourse of "representativeness" and
"identitarianism", since political characters such as Sonia Guajajara (PSOL ),
Silvio Almeida (non-party), Margareth Menezes (non-party) and Anielle Franco
(non-party) become part of the executive branch.

 From the point of view of the ruling classes, Bolsonaro's electoral defeat and
Lula's return to the presidency of the republic did not represent a threat to
their existence and capitalist domination in Brazil. Immediate interests of
certain dominant fractions may be affected, but in no way in terms of liquidating
their power or investment. On the geopolitical level, the Lula government may
find a space for action within the conflict between the US and China, given the
relative importance of Bolsonaro's defeat to the US extreme right, which did not
achieve a victory by a large margin, as expected, in the elections of midterm in
the US, remaining as the least seat in the Senate. It is not by chance that, on
the one hand, there is talk of resuming previous partnerships, such as the BRICS,
for example, and on the other hand, the financing of the Amazon is being negotiated.

In the internal context, the victory of lulopetismo and its allied forces takes
place in a scenario of even greater advance of theologism. The center of the
debate in the first days of the second round being Freemasonry and Satanism are
strong indications of this hypothesis. The political-economic power of the
churches and their insertion in impoverished territories with no prospects, given
the characteristics of Brazilian dependent capitalism, was and is a fertile
ground for its propagation and junction with militarism, extreme right and
neoliberal ideologies.

In Communiqué No. 76 we stated:

Thus, the crisis of organization of the proletariat is directly related to this
ideological hegemony of the churches, because instead of the popular masses
believing and dedicating themselves to collective struggles and the construction
of Socialism and Freedom, today they seek in religion and in churches some
meaning for life and, mainly, some material, cultural and spiritual assistance.
This has generated, on a local scale, great loyalty to reactionary religious
institutions, which weekly mobilize more people than assemblies and union acts,
which in turn have acted in the macropolitical sphere against the interests of
the people (and their own faithful), like the Bible bench in Congress.This
contradiction of latent and potential class interests within religious
institutions has already generated some fissures, but it will only be resolved in
fact with the ideological and political struggle for the reorganization of the
working class. The theological basis is still significant and the most popular of
Bolsonarismo, literally treated as "maneuver mass" .

Likewise, the current context is marked by the political protagonism of the Armed
Forces, which, even after losing the central government, continue to play the
role of an organic party of the extreme right, commanding the civil and military
police forces of the State based on the doctrine of maintenance of the bourgeois
order with the pursuit and combat of popular forces recognized as class enemies.
One cannot rule out the possibility that Lula and the Frente Ampla will not
finish their mandate, even if this is the lowest scenario, at least in the next
two years. The "Joint Note to Military Commands - To the Brazilian Institutions
and People",[12]on Bolsonarist protests against the election results, and the
nomination of José Múcio Monteiro, who during the Corporate-Military Dictatorship
was affiliated with the support party of military governments - Arena, to the
Ministry of Defense confirms the maintenance of power as a politician of the
Armed Forces as a party that defends the proto-fascist program.

For its part, Bolsonarist militancy, financed by entrepreneurs from the
agribusiness and logistics sector and with the support of the police forces and
the Armed Forces Command, began an attempt to lockout with the closure of roads
in 17 states of the federation, concentrating their actions in the Center-South,
mainly Mato Grosso and Santa Catarina. Subsequently, several Bolsonarist and
far-right groups received orders in Whatsapp groups to concentrate in front of
the barracks asking for military intervention and closure of the regime.

These mobilizations reinforced the mass character of Bolsonarism and the extreme
right in Brazil. With the slogan "God, homeland and family"[13]large public
demonstrations were held on November 1st, which mostly brought together salaried
sectors of the middle class, petty bourgeoisie and wealthy classes, united by
anti-people, misogynistic ideologies , racist, lgbtphobic, militaristic and
religious. The immediate aftermath was more political violence, with street
clashes and attempted terrorist acts.

The basis of lulopetismo opted for the cowardly policy of the discourse in
defense of the "democratic state of law", calling for actions by the forces of
repression to legitimize the decisions of the Minister of the Supreme Court,
Alexandre de Morais. Faced with this situation, small anti-fascist, anarchist,
autonomous groups and revolutionary unionists took to the streets as a
counterpoint to the action of the extreme right. PT reformism gave the line: do
not mobilize the streets and rely on the institutions of the bourgeois republic
to contain the fascist impetus.

4 - Advance in the tasks of reorganizing the working class

Bolsonarism, or rather the Brazilian extreme right, does not die with the victory
of the Lula-Alckmin ticket. They managed to elect a strong bench aligned with the
extreme right and militarism, just as they won in states like São Paulo and Rio
de Janeiro. There is a Brazilian proto-fascist that for the time being does not
have an official hierarchical structure, a centralized mass movement-party. So
far, there are several groups that communicate through socio-technical networks
with some chain of command, probably from the Armed Forces, and with great
funding from businessmen, mainly from the agribusiness and logistics sector in
the center-south of the country.There is an anti-people, extremely racist,
misogynistic and lgbtphobic sector of Brazilian society capable of mobilizing
resources to gain electoral support.[14].

As revolutionary anarchists we have to speak the truth: only a general strike and
a popular uprising, similar to 2013, could nationally stop the current bourgeois
offensive and the genocide of the Brazilian people. For this, it is urgently
necessary to resume the basic capacity of resistance and popular organization.
The exercise of revolutionary gymnastics is essential, resuming each activity of
resistance and struggle as training for building a general strike that will
encourage the working class. This means that the struggle to improve working
conditions, the struggle for land, for territory, against racism, against
patriarchy and against lgbtphobia must be carried out in a perspective of
universal emancipation. In times of hunger,

             In the general plan we have the confrontation between the alliance
of classes headed by the PT that will try to move in the bourgeois
institutionality to promote some type of social benefit based on green
capitalism, perhaps reversing the spent ceiling, but not the entire macroeconomic
tripod that comes from the Fernando government Henry Cardoso. In this sense, the
biggest conflict will be in what kind of macroeconomic, social and fiscal policy
will be adopted by the new government and what is its margin of maneuver for
this. Today we have no capabilities to destroy our enemies. The people know this.
In this sense, it is necessary to reaffirm that the main destructive/creative
objectives are:

1) to resume and strengthen the basic instances of struggle and organization of
the working class, such as assemblies, meetings , agitation , propaganda,
protests, strikes and solidarity networks with a view to building the FOB and the
people's congress;

2) combat proto-fascism in the most diffuse and disorganized sectors of the
people and the Lulist ideology in the popular-union movement: such combats must
combine struggles for immediate concrete demands and the ideological struggle in
defense of class independence, the general strike and the boycott electoral.
Lulism and Bolsonarism are two historical forms of denial of the autonomous
political capacity of the working class, therefore, the principle of class
independence without a clearly defined ideological struggle against these two
trends is nothing more than hollow phraseology, and this ideological struggle
will produce more effect within real claiming movements;

3) construction and strengthening of new tools of struggle for the proletariat
and peoples (under the strategy of revolutionary syndicalism), such as autonomous
movements and unions, combative oppositions, mutual support groups, popular
assemblies, cooperatives, etc.;

4) the development of a revolutionary mass line that articulates the task of
opposition to bureaucracies and autonomous organization of the masses, that is,
that has the tactical flexibility to dispute the course of struggles as
Opposition and as Independent Movements.

The Bakuninist mass line of construction of revolutionary syndicalism in Brazil
proved to be correct. Today, the autonomous proto-unions and militant nuclei
develop an important demanding, solidary and agitative action, albeit on a small
scale, in a national scenario of total demobilization and paralysis on the part
of the official and reformist unionism. This action fulfills the important task
of preserving and expanding a small pole of resistance formed in the last period
through years of political-ideological struggle, thus avoiding apathy and
disintegration, and rehearsing methods and organizational forms to build true
mass organizations when this is possible.

In this situation of formation of a conciliation government, the trend of
systemic integration increases. We have a scenario of the strengthening of
reformism and the disintegration of combative or revolutionary sectors with
difficulty in acting in a less explosive and revolutionary conjuncture, such as
2013, and it is essential today that we have patience, discipline, cohesion and
fraternity among our people for the construction and massification of trade
unions, popular rural and city organizations and students and thus serve as an
effective possibility of emancipation of all people.

Anarchist and self-employed workers will, in any scenario, be under the pressure
of two forces, bourgeois reaction and Lulopetismo. You have to prepare for that.
If large-scale events do not occur that modify the ebb situation, the scenarios
will be increasingly difficult for combative alternatives in the very short term.
That is why it will be necessary to fight from inch to inch, house to house,
street to street, fighting on two fronts: the clerical-military-bourgeois
reaction, this proto-fascism, and lulopetismo in its versions of degenerate and
"renewed" reformism. .

It is necessary to create the objective and subjective conditions for the
outbreak, in the long term, of a revolutionary situation in Brazil. For this, we
need to advance in the massification of revolutionary unionism in the countryside
and in the slums and peripheries, having the exact notion that we do not have a
democracy to defend, but a tyranny to fight, either with a red stick, or with a
green and yellow stick.

FASCISM IS FIGHTED IN THE STREETS

BUILD THE PEOPLE CONGRESS AND MUTUAL HELP POLICIES!

REBUILD REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM!

BUILD THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IN BRAZIL!

  ONLY THE PEOPLE SAVE THE PEOPLE! ANARCHISM IS FIGHT! FORWARD BAKUNINISM

[1]On the rise of Bolsonarism and the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, see the
UNIPA communiqués: "Lulismo and the Crisis of Brazilian Capitalism: Only Direct
Action Can Defeat the Reactionary Offensive and the Illusions of Reformism",
issue 59, March 2018, and The Poverty of Social Democracy and the Rise of Fascism
in Brazil, number 61, January 2019.

[2]Communiqué nº 76 of the Popular Anarchist Union - UNIPA, April 29, 2021.

[3]Data available at:
https://www.camara.leg.br/noticias/911504-pl-desponta-como-maior-bancada-da-camara-seguido-pela-federacao-liderada-pelo-pt/

[4]DIAP, Informal Benches in Congress. Available at
https://www.diap.org.br/images/stories/bancadas_informais_congresso_2023_2027.pdf

[5]See "We live on the edge of the bullet", Agência Pública, available at
https://apublica.org/2022/08/vivemos-na-ponta-da-bala-2022-ja-superou-as-mortes-no
-field-in-comparison-to-2020/

[6]VII CONUNIPA: "The new wave of colonization develops in Brazil from the 21st
century through the structures of dependent capitalist development and a
structure of internal colonialism" (UNIPA, 2019), available at
https://uniaoanarquista .wordpress.com/congressos/vii-conunipa-2019/

[7]The dollarization of Brazilian fuel that is within the scope of the location
of Brazil in the International Division of Labor as we have pointed out in
analyzes since 2011. See OPAR and UNIPA. International Platform of Revolutionary
Anarchism, 2011. Available at
https://uniaoanarquista.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/par-ptbr-1c2aaerrata.pdf

[8]On the war in Ukraine, see Communiqué n° 77 of the Popular Anarchist Union -
UNIPA, 01/03/2022.

[9]We understand lulopetismo is the ideology of Brazilian social democratic
reformism in its most advanced state of political degeneration. It is based on
the reconciliation of classes based on the figure of Lula, built on the basis of
party, union and social movement organizations (especially CUT, CTB, UNE and MST)
which economically benefited the working aristocracy, a portion of technocracy
and a petty bourgeoisie dependent on the state. Expression of the
social-democratic policy directed by the CUT-PT, mainly from the ABC Paulista
Metallurgical Union. The very constitution of the PT governments (2003-2016) was
a macroeconomic continuation of previous neoliberal governments and their police
state was an evolution of the negotiated transaction between "dictatorship and
democracy".

[10]Bakunin, Letter to the newspaper La Liberte , from Brussels, Zurich, October
5, 1872.

[11]Bakunin, Universal Alliance of Social Democracy, Russian Section. To Russian
Youth, March 1870. Banunin Vive Magazine, Bakunin Archive, n. 1, September, 2021.

[12]"Joint Note to the Military Commands - To the Brazilian Institutions and
People", November 11, 2022, available at
https://www.acidadeon.com/saocarlos/politica/Em-nota-conjunta-Forcas-Armadas-
criticize -excesses-in-manifestations-20221111-0004.html .

[13]The watchword of the extreme right-wing Catholic movement Tradition, Family
and Property, which was one of the main social foundations of the 1964 coup.

[14]In our communiqués numbers 69 and 76 we present the difficulties of the
extreme right in constituting a centralized party-movement, considering the
ethnic-national and class reality of a peripheral country like Brazil.

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