#WORLD #WORLDWIDE #ITALY #News #Journal #Update - (en) #Italy, UCADI #167: The last step (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 When the Nazis and Fascists withdrew behind the Gothic line in 1943, the Fascist

secret service left a cell behind the lines with the task of rebuilding the
conditions for the rebirth of fascism . The group led by Licio Gelli rebuilt a
virginity with different strategies. Gelli obtained from the communists of
Pistoia a partisan certificate, despite being a lieutenant in the fascist
militia, organizing the murder of Luciano Fedi, anarchist partisan commendante,
who hindered their plans. To achieve this goal, the group came up with a plan
which, among other things, envisaged its own institutional project characterized
by presidentialism.
The plan was pursued with constancy and determination both on an institutional
cultural level and through repeated subversive initiatives aimed at shifting the
country's political axis, albeit gradually to the right, through diversified
actions which were also characterized by coup attempts such as the Solo Plan, the
work of Carabinieri General De Lorenzo or the subsequent coup by Junio Valerio
Borghese, linked to the Gladio, NATO structure.
The strategy relating to institutional transformation was part of the national
revival program [1], an essential part of the program of the P2 Masonic lodge,
materially drawn up by Francesco Cosentino. It consisted in an absorption of the
country's apparatuses and democratic institutional structures into a legalized
authoritarian system that would have had information at its center, characterized
by presidentialism.
Discovered and seized on 4 July 1981 in a false bottom of a suitcase belonging to
Maria Grazia Gelli, daughter of Licio Gelli, venerable Maestro of the P2,
together with a memorandum on the political situation in Italy, shortly after the
discovery of the list of members of the P2 lodge it was subsequently published in
the proceedings of the P2 Masonic Lodge Investigation Connection commissioned by
Parliament. Licio Gelli admitted in 2003 that the coincidence of certain parts of
the "Plan" with the programs of the parties would not be accidental and an
interview in October 2008 stated that, although all the political forces have
taken their cue from the Plan (so much so as to induce ironically claiming
copyright Silvio Berlusconi was the only one who could have done it).
In the light of this reconstruction, it is clear that we are witnessing the
implementation of the final part of the Plan, adopted and become the program
before the MSI, the "legal" face of the reconstructed fascist party and today of
the Brothers of Italy which constitutes its structure alive and current.

The presidential transformation of the state

The institutional reform that the current majority in government intends to
propose is semi-presidentialism. In a semi-presidential republic, executive power
is shared between the President of the Republic and the Head of Government. The
appointment of ministers is carried out by the former on the proposal of the
latter. Legislative power, on the other hand, belongs to the Parliament, elected
by the citizens. Even the President of the Republic is elected directly by the
citizens, and it may happen that he is the expression of a political party other
than the majority present in Parliament.
In the new institutional context, the President of the Republic loses the
functions of arbitrator, his super partes role, to become the expression of a
part of the country, strengthening the role of the executive to the detriment of
the other constitutional bodies whose powers should all be reviewed and redefined
and the balance of powers that it should guarantee against the possible
authoritarianism of the executive depends on this work of reorganisation.
Not only that, but in the event of political differences between the person
elected to the presidency of the Republic and the prime minister, the expression
of the parliamentary majority, a conflict would arise. The President needs the
laws of the Parliament to implement his program and the Parliament needs the
President and the Government for the practical implementation of the laws it has
voted. This situation is referred to by the term cohabitation. The Government can
vote a motion of no confidence in the Government and force it to resign, the
President of the Republic has the power to dissolve the Chambers. The purpose of
this institutional structure is to give the President a popular investiture which
gives him a strong decision-making role.
To know more precisely the intentions of the Brothers of Italy, it is necessary
to refer to the constitutional law bill (Chamber Act n. 716; Senate Act n. 1489)
presented to the Chambers in June 2018 by the Brothers of Italy for direct
election of the Head of State. The text of the constitutional law that was
presented to the Chambers is made up of thirteen articles which affect twelve
provisions of the second part of the current constitution, namely the articles
83-89, relating to the President of the Republic, on articles 92-96, relating to
the Government and on art. 104, relating to the Superior Council of the
Judiciary. The design of the form of government that is defined in this text
provides for: a) election by universal and direct suffrage of the Head of State,
who remains in office for five years and who can be re-elected only once; b)
entrustment to the Head of State of the presidency of the Council of Ministers,
of the direction of the general policy of the Government and of the maintenance
of the unity of political orientation through the promotion and coordination of
the activity of the ministers (all tasks that today art. 95 of the Constitution
entrusts to the President of the Council); c) entrustment to the Head of State of
a range of additional very broad and relevant powers which in part mirror the
current presidential powers (appointment of the Prime Minister and ministers;
dissolution of the Chambers; promulgation and postponement of laws; command of
the armed forces; presidency of the Supreme Defense Council), in part they add
new powers (such as the revocation of ministers on the proposal of the Prime
Minister and the presidency of a new Supreme Council for foreign policy).
Furthermore, for many presidential acts the full discretion of the Head of State
is strengthened with the elimination of the constraint of the countersignature.
The only existing power that is taken away from the Head of State concerns the
presidency of the Superior Council of the Judiciary, which the project entrusts
to the President of the Cassation; d) maintenance of the power of no-confidence
of the Chambers towards the Government, but in the forms of "constructive
no-confidence", with the obligation, that is, for the Chambers to inform the Head
of State of the new Prime Minister.
This proposal contains irreconcilable elements such as the direct election of a
Head of State invested with the function of government with the "constructive
no-trust" which entrusts Parliament with the power to bind the Head of State
himself in choosing the Prime Minister. Furthermore, one of the two fundamental
pivots called upon to support the function of constitutional control - as opposed
to the function of political direction entrusted to Parliament and the Government
- which the Constituent Assembly intended to entrust, with different but
converging competences, to the President of the Republic is thus demolished And
to the Constitutional Court. A constitutional control function which, in these
seventy-six years of republican experience, has operated effectively so as to
counterbalance (and sometimes make up for) the shortcomings of a self-referential
political system which over time, instead of correcting it, has ended up
aggravating its own dysfunctions and internal divisions .

Objectives of the semi-presidentialism of yesterday and today

If in the past the political objective of semi-presidentialism was to marginalize
the role of parties or at least decrease their weight and was directed against
the cumbersome presence of mass parties today, in a context in which parties have
discredited and self-destructed and political affiliations have become
deideologised, it assumes a new function both on a strategic and tactical level
contingent on the Italian political situation.
Today the neo-fascist institutional project is part of a political context
characterized by the need to strengthen the executives, perceived as a need to
make the government systems more efficient, transforming the liberal democratic
state into one of the so-called democrats, similar to what happens in Hungary. In
this context, the state took on a strong nationalistic, ethnic, identity
connotation, homogeneous from a religious point of view, marrying the form of
state neo-jurisdictionalism, xenophobic towards minorities, enemy of the
miscegenation of the population.
This vision can be summarized in the modern vision of populism which constitutes
one of the possible responses to demographic decline and the refusal of
emigration as a possible solution to the problem. The fear that accompanies the
epochal changes taking place provides the support for these choices.
Under the more contingent profile of current Italian politics,
semi-presidentialism allows not only to deliver the coup de grace to the role of
the parties but allows to give life to a constitutional reform which, by changing
the form of state and government - a reform made even more evident by the
contemporary and contextual adoption of autonomy
differentiated would effectively impose the early resignation of the current
President of the Republic. In fact, Mattarella would find himself managing a
constitutional role that no longer exists and this would be official and
embarrassing for a president who has seen his mandate renewed under a different
Constitution and in a radically changed institutional political context.
Hence the resignation and the election of a new president in a political context
in which everything suggests that he would belong to the right-wing group, thus
helping to make governments last over time to initiate that social transformation
in terms of shared values, wanted by parties today in the government and launched
for now through flagship measures still in their infancy and with little
perceptible effects but subject to government action. It is quite clear that in
this case we would be faced with a creeping version of a coup d'état and with a
republic no longer born from the values that belonged to the anti-fascist
resistance front.

Semi-presidentialism and the oppositions

The timid reactions of the oppositions to semi-presidentialism, their openings,
show that they have not understood the strategic and tactical consequences of the
right-wing project or that they share them. Only the 5 stars seem to be radically
against the project and publicly declare that they are ready to oppose it. This
blindness of prospective vision is one of the litmus papers of the profound and
irreversible crisis of the PD, destined to get lost in an ever thicker fog, made
up of political inconsistency and lack of strategic vision.
For our part, we believe we do not agree with this form of state and government
and these institutions are not ours but we certainly prefer to live in a form of
state that is as open and free as possible and the one being prepared is
certainly more oppressive than the current one. We hope for an open form of
management of the company managed by communities of inhabitants who equip
themselves with participatory forms of territorial management and who carry out
an egalitarian and free management of resources with the primary objective of
managing the companies in an at least tendentially egalitarian way. It is with
this intention that we will oppose with our limited forces and resources what the
Government is preparing to do.

[1] Democratic Rebirth Plan,
https://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Piano_di_rinascita_democratica_della_Loggia_P2

http://www.ucadi.org/2023/02/01/lultimo-passo/
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