The first round of the Turkish General Elections, which took place on 14 May,
resulted in an overwhelming majority of the right-wing parties that entered theelections from both the Nation Alliance and the People's Alliance lists, andRecep Tayyip Erdogan received approximately 5% more votes than KemalKiliçdaroglu. This situation created despair in the broad sections of thesociety, who thought that they would get rid of the 21-year AKP rule withelections. After the election results were announced, there was a heavy mood ofdepression mixed with anxiety and bewilderment. With the news of irregularitiesin the election, some of the opposition voters consolidated again.On the other hand, after it was understood that the presidential elections wouldgo to the second round, the candidate of the Nation Alliance, Kemal Kiliçdaroglu,immediately pushed aside the so-called democratization rhetoric and started tohighlight his promises to continue his anti-immigrant and anti-Kurdish rhetoricand war policies.Despite the recent mismanagement and crimes, especially after the deepeningeconomic crisis and the 6 February earthquakes, the main reason why the People'sAlliance and Erdogan achieved such a success in the first round is the inabilityof the ruling alternative to produce a new policy on social problems. While the"fear of Erdogan coming back to power" is enough for some to vote, it doesn'tmean anything by itself in the eyes of large sections. This broad "front" againstthe AKP has never had any program or promise to leave the current government onfundamental issues such as exploitation, poverty, women's issue and Kurdishissue. On the other hand, the Kurdish movement and the socialist left supportedKiliçdaroglu for reasons such as "getting rid of the one-man regime", "turninginto a parliamentary system", "breathing". However, after May 14, Kiliçdarogluincreased his rhetoric, emphasizing his anti-immigrant and anti-Kurdish warpolicies. This doesn't mean a policy change, it's just about putting emphasis onthe foreground. Although the CHP and the Nation Alliance had sprinkled promisesof democratization and freedom before May 14, they defended and expressed thesepolicies back then. However, with these rhetoric put forward, he also declaredthat it would not be possible to "breathe" in case of a possible change in power.Today, the most fundamental problem of bringing these promises forward is that itcontributes to the strengthening and normalization of racist reflexes in society,regardless of whether they will be realized or not. The increase inanti-immigration has led to the normalization of racism and Sinan Ogan, thecandidate of the ATA Alliance, whose main body is the racist party Zafer Party,gaining 5.6 percent of the votes and gaining an influential position in thepolitical arena. In the protocol signed by the fascist Victory Party led by KemalKiliçdaroglu and Ümit Özdag and announced yesterday (May 24), it is stated thatwar policies and trustee policies will continue and anti-refugee policies will beimplemented. This right-wing populist hate policy threatens not only the targetedgroups today, but also women, LGBTI+ individuals, Alevis and minorities. Theracist hysteria, provoked by Ümit Özdag and the Zafer Party itself, serves tolegitimize practices such as extrajudicial executions and torture, as happenedafter the 6 February earthquake.As we anarchist communists, we find it normal that millions of people, strugglingwith the deepening economic crisis and wanting to get rid of the authoritarianpolicies of the current government, have placed their hopes in the ballot box inconditions like today, where there is no strong social movement and norevolutionary alternative, and the balance of power is clearly in favor of theruling class. We have always emphasized the importance of not trusting thepolitical parties that are part of it and the so-called opposition politicianswho keep us busy with false hopes. For this reason, before the 14 May elections,together with different anarchist circles, we stated that our problems could notbe solved at the ballot box and that we needed to organize and struggle in everyfield for liberation, but we did not make a special call for not voting. Becausewe know that not voting is not an active form of struggle, and it is a waste oftime to focus on elections instead of organizing ourselves and growing the struggle.However, at this point, it has been revealed that Kemal Kiliçdaroglu promisesnothing but continuing the policies of the current government, let alone being abeacon of hope for liberation from the current government. Whatever the electionresults, we understand that we are entering a period where we have no choice butto organize and fight more. After this point, there is no plausible reason forsupporting any of the current candidates for the revolutionary andinternationalist forces. Of course, despite all this, there will be those whofind various excuses to vote, but no one should expect us to choose one of thesecandidates who are competing to continue their nationalism and war policies. Itshould be emphasized that beyond the fact that only a group of anarchistsboycotted the elections, there was a serious discomfort in many segments,including the HDP base, regarding the attitude of the nation alliance after May14, and that there were many people who tended not to go to the polls. At a timewhen hostility to immigrants and racism is getting stronger all over the world,as in Turkey, the legitimacy of people boycotting the elections, albeit not in anorganized way, cannot be questioned, who think that supporting Kiliçdaroglu, whoaccepts the policies of the fascist Victory Party, will contribute to this badcourse. On the contrary, ignoring the reactions from the grassroots, assumingthat everything has disappeared, it tells a lot about describing the boycottattitude as "spoiledness", slurring "no boycott moicott", and the deadlocks ofsocial opposition in the most general sense in Turkey. However, whatever theorganization centers say, it is a fact that; boycott moicott.There is no salvation in this orderWe, as migrant workers who vote for any of the existing parties and candidates ordo not even have the right to vote, work in the same workplaces, live in the sameneighborhoods, and share the same problems. While the bosses exploit us, they donot look at which party we belong to, male violence does not change according towhich party they belong to, as we experienced on February 6, the destructionsthat the system is responsible for do not bypass any of us, the ecological crisisaffects all of us. And when we decide to fight, we always stand together againstthem, because we know that there is no other choice.The fact that the candidates compete with each other in racism shows that thebourgeois politicians are no different from each other in the face of themultidimensional crises of capitalism, and this order promises us nothing butdestruction at this point. Therefore, we have no choice but to fight with thegoal of a social revolution that will destroy this order, and a revolutionaryalternative can be formed not by the order leftists, but by revolutionaries witha principled political line, even as a small minority. However, election-orientedpolitics only allows us to lose time in the wheels of this order, in an areawhere the conditions are determined by the ruling class. In this respect, therevolutionary struggle differs sharply from parliamentarism. Although therevolutionary processes are carried out by the large masses, there is no votingfor them, the majority of the society remains neutral. In the words of MurrayBookchin, "It has never been the case that the vast majority, let alone all, ofthe people in a given place participated in the revolution. When an uprisingbreaks out in a revolutionary situation, the majority of the population iscontent to watch what happens, while militants (whose name is unknown) with thehelp of a small number of supporters rise up and overthrow the establishedorder." (one)Of course, revolution is not something that we will realize from today totomorrow. However, it requires a long-term struggle of revolutionaries who havecommon principles and line of struggle acting with this goal. Today, our primarygoal should be to strengthen the balance of power in favor of the ruling class infavor of the working class. It is not possible to do this through elections, onthe contrary, as we have seen in the last ten years, every election shifts thisbalance in favor of more dominant classes. The way to reverse this trend is tobuild independent, stable social organizations in workplaces, schools,neighborhoods, that is, in every area we are in, and to raise the struggle.However, in this way and with a long-term study, it may be possible to turn thebalance of power in our favor.We will win freedom through struggle...Our stance on elections is not based on common moral reasons or a matter ofstubbornness. What we have learned from historical experience, and what we seeagain today, is that no real change is possible through elections. Because thepolitics of order is always shaped by manipulation, deceit and intrigue, becausewhat they offer us as options usually does not differ much from each other,because politicians always do whatever their interests require and lie. We shouldnot rely on elections, because they promise us nothing but disappointment. Wecannot let them poison us with choices and destroy our dreams. We must not forgetthat no matter what the result is, we will not be the winner, and no matter whatthe result, we will not be considered a loser. The important thing is thatdespite all the pressures, lies and disappointments they have caused us, thestruggle does not give up fighting and organizing for our daily problems with thehope of a free world. Where there is struggle, there is hope, and as long asthere is hope, there will be struggle.(1) Murray Bookchin, The Future Revolution, footnote publications, p. 90https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2023/05/25/boykot-moykot-var-zafer-onat/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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