Unlike other electoral processes where everyone is presented as a winning force,
in Sunday's elections most forces have come out defeated. Even the parties thathave won have taken less or the same number of votes as in 2019. High abstentionhas been the general tone of these elections. ---- At a general level, we haveexperienced a conservative wave, which has swept everywhere, except for theBasque Country. The strong wear and tear of Pedro Sánchez's Government, which hasnot been able to mobilize its electorate, is evident. And the victory of theright has been based on the defeat of the left. In Catalonia, Trias has won inBarcelona, Albiol in Badalona, and the PSC has won in Lleida and Tarragona andswept the neighborhoods with lower incomes. This without talking about thevictories of the Popular Party in the Valencian Country, the Balearic Islands orAragon, among other territories.The advance of conservative candidates has also produced the appearance of theextreme right on the municipal board. Vox will be the crutch of the PP in manytown halls and its vote has advanced considerably. Not like in the Generals twoyears ago, but in cities like Terrassa there has been a third force. The surprisewas given by the independence ultra-right, who came out of nowhere to win inRipoll, a county capital no less.The decline of the PSOE and its allies Podemos and company has triggered the callfor new General Elections for July 23. It is not known for certain, but it isclear that Sánchez wants to keep the PSOE at the expense of the useful vote ofthe left, since it seems that the times of "the new left" have passed on to abetter life.But what were the reasons for the defeat of the left?Firstly, the widespread feeling that the left has nothing to offer from theGovernment. They are making legislative reforms but for the working classeverything continues to be just as bad. We could sense that progressivism suffersfrom a major crisis of credibility and does not arouse the slightest hope ofchange. There are voices that consider that immigration, being deprived of theright to vote, would determine substantial changes, but why should it voteprecisely for who exploits, evicts and enslaves them?The demobilization of the streets brought about by left-wing governments in theSpanish state is a factor that affects us on the revolutionary left, since we seehelplessly how we lose rights without having enough strength to fight from thestreets. In addition, the low level of mobilization, except for immediate anddefensive material issues (labor issues, defense of the territory or housing),implies the disappearance of a popular culture based on the struggle. Apart fromthe big cities, the transformative spirit of a decade ago has disappeared.We say that if it mobilizes it does so by the population most attacked bycapitalism. Precisely this working-class population only lacks the right to votebecause it is foreign.However, secondly, the proliferation of the values of neoliberalism among youngpeople is apparent and undeniable. The younger layers have not only stoppedbelieving (except for wonderful exceptions) in social change, but a good partembraces the last years of capitalism even more strongly than previous generations.This tells us about the great power of the new media or cultural diffusionchannels based on the internet and smartphones. They are so powerful that theycreate or spread values. We see that Trumpism has reached our youth with force,since a significant volume of them share the reactionary values that have takenroot so deeply throughout the West: the values of competitiveness, of"masculinism", of getting rich at all costs, of laughing at the weak, ofprogress, of the "wokes", of belittling and attacking women, trans people orthose of other races and the disabled. The lack of ethics is celebrated.Values aside, no one escapes the fact that the media are at the service of bigcapital. They have created debates out of nothing and in these elections therehas been more talk of security and employment than the deterioration ofhealthcare or abusive rents. In other words, the media determine the framework ofthe debate or the rules of the game.As we can see, it was clear that with these increasingly dominant values, theelectoral results should be reflected in some way. We see them every day in theseries on the platforms or on conventional television, we see how they advancethroughout the West, from Italy to Argentina, from Poland to Chile. The extremeright benefits directly from these values, which are very much their own.That the working class has no hope for social change is a disaster for all peoplecommitted to building a new world, despite electoralism. All of the above showsthe need to break the bubble of activism that has caused an abyss with theworking class. We must be a people. That is why we support the dynamics ofconfluence between militants and those affected by capitalism that we are seeingin labor, neighborhood or housing unionism. But we understand that we must alsotalk to the population in general about our alternatives. A fundamentallydifferent social project from the hegemonic one must be presented.It's just that we're playing a lot. We live in a time of urgency. We have anecological and food crisis on the doorstep. In other words, we don't have decadesahead of us. Action must be taken now. And now who has to manage it will be aright wing that does not believe in climate change and that supports thechemtrails party. Let's be aware of all that is at stake and take a step forward.We not only need to join popular organizations, but to create the necessaryorganizational structures to structure this program. We understand that thestreet must be reactivated, but it must be done from the strategy shared withother political and social actors of the popular movement, as we have beenclaiming for years.https://embat.info/10876-2/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten