WORLD WORLDWIDE ITALY News Journal Update - (en) Italy, UCADI #172 - Democracy and the rule of law (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 To transform a rule of law - that is, that form of state that assumes democracy,

the protection and respect of human rights and freedoms, guarantees the welfare
state as objectives - into a democracy, it is necessary to dismantle the
guarantee institutions and their independence . To do this, we must work first of
all on the Constitution. modifying it, weakening and transforming the balance
between powers, limiting the role of the supervisory bodies, so that it becomes
possible for the action of the State not to be bound and compliant with the laws.
This in order to increase the verticality and decision-making of the government
system. through the "dictatorship of the executive", ensuring that - after the
phase of the downsizing of the role of institutions such as the Court of
Auditors, of the independence of the judiciary, the abolition of the compulsory
prosecution and the attribution to the executive of the task of identifying the
crimes to be prosecuted and much more - a constitutional reform sanctions the new
structure.
This is what the Government is doing, both through its daily actions and through
the institutional reform project, without the opposition - which when they are
not conniving, like the "third chicken", are accomplices - have full awareness of
this strategy and succeed to oppose. If they really wanted to do it, they would
have to take note that the numbers are unfavorable in Parliament and shift the
clash and confrontation in the country and in the squares, but, divided as they
are by the conflictuality that characterizes their relationships, due to a habit
matured over years of governmentism and the supervening inability to speak to the
country, they do not.
It is therefore that the Government can easily attack the accounting judiciary,
from which it does not want to be told that it is late in implementing the PNRR;
the Treasury and the State Accounting Office, which raise observations and doubts
on the same issue; all of this is happening while a justice reform is underway.
after having abolished the abuse of office, its main objective is the abolition
of the compulsory criminal action, replaced by the Government's indications on
which crimes to prosecute and which not. To complete the picture, the
implementation of differentiated autonomy, sealed by the
constitutional reform, entrusted to the worst political personnel available to
the majority.

In the hands of sorcerer's apprentices

Indeed, it must be remembered that Justice Minister Nordio owes his notoriety to
an investigation into the Red Cooperatives, which earned him the enthusiastic
support of the right. The investigation, gradually deflated in the face of the
absolute absence of evidence that should have led to the conviction of the
accused, ended up with a refund for part of them who had suffered the effects of
a long-term indictment, without having reached the trial , and this despite the
current minister standing up as a defender of guarantees, evidently only for
some. His only professional success as a criminal prosecutor can be traced back
to the conviction of the former President of the Veneto Region Galan, after which
there are repeated failures such as that of having totally underestimated the
danger of the Brenta mafia. After retiring, he took refuge in pamphleteering and
political activity.
In charge of the differentiated autonomy dossier, Minister Calderoli has always
stood out for the partisanship with which he tackled the problem, for the
intellectual dishonesty that characterized his action, testified by the
systematic concealment of the costs of the reform. His proposals, materialized in
the choice of questionable and
vexatious procedures. aimed at hiding the growing inequalities that the system he
proposed introduces, by increasing the gap between the regions and reducing the
quality and quantity of services provided to citizens, will have the effect of
increasing inequalities between the different areas of the country.
By entrusting the constitutional reforms to the lawyer Casellati Alberti, we fail
to mention that we have turned to a bankrupt university professor, a self-styled
expert in ecclesiastical law, perhaps an expert, but not too much, in annulments
of ecclesiastical marriages, who as a student of Prof. Sandro Gherro , a
monarchist, former minister of the Royal House, will at most be aware of canon
law, but has little familiarity with the republican constitutional principles, as
demonstrated by his scientific publications of decidedly mediocre content and the
activity carried out as President of the Senate.

Change of institutions, customs and social and productive relationships

But the transformation of the country must involve all aspects of society in the
right's project. Therefore, the institutional change must be accompanied by that
of economic and class relations and by values, thus affecting the rights
guaranteed to citizens. It follows that the economic relations must change, using
the lever of taxation and introducing one by categories which has as its
objective the corporatization of society, favoring self-employed workers and
reducing the taxes of the rich, facilitating tax evaders. A differentiated
taxation for classes and professions has the task of fragmenting the unity of the
class and allowing for the management of consensus, is the declared objective to
be pursued. But this is not enough: we need to fragment every possible class
unity, every possible political and social aggregation antagonistic to the power
bloc constituted by the right, differentiating everyone's positions, nourishing
individualism, suppressing solidarity.
This type of intervention includes the modification of working relationships, its
organization, the elimination of the protections it receives from the legal
system, the setting of wages; it is necessary to strike the workers'
representatives, eliminating the opposition between capital and labor through
co-management with the compliant trade union organizations of the labor market
and the representation of male and female workers, making them quiescent with
respect to the regime of occasional, precarious and underpaid employment
relationships, assuming as value the reference the interest of the nation in the
framework of a unity of purpose between workers and employers who, as represented
by categories, find satisfaction of their needs and requirements, from time to
time and separately, in a differentiated way and in relation to the support they
give to the Government and to the masters to the nation. A common enemy is
pointed out to all of them: the immigrant worker, with the result of dividing the
exploited, soliciting the racist instincts of many, making the labor market and
the industrial reserve army more manageable for the bosses, as demonstrated by
the choices migration policies and laws.
Such a rearrangement of economic and social relations travels, in the project of
the right, hand in hand with the intervention on the reprofiling of values, which
will take place by assuming as a point of reference those of the traditional
family, of a stratified, substantially patriarchal society, which has the
relaunch of demographic growth is of utmost importance in order to avoid a
dreaded ethnic substitution which constitutes the manifest nightmare, however
non-existent, of this right-wing government. From this point of view, the
restoration of respect for gender identity becomes a goal to be pursued, creating
each possible obstacle to discouraging single-parent families and restoring
values considered traditional, fighting abortion, exploiting surrogacy,
brandishing it as a weapon towards open and supportive social relationships,
taking revenge on the rights of single-parent couples' children.

Consolidation of change

For change to be such, it must consolidate and become a constant feature of the
new society and of the new social balances and relationships that are to be built
in such a way as to allow political and social control to be permanent in turn
and ensure the political survival of the regime that is wants to build.
Therefore, the changes produced by political action must be confirmed and
supported by the permanent modification of institutions. That is why this
Government has as its objective the implementation of differentiated autonomy and
a reform of governance that allows the strengthening of the executives, the
speeding up of the decision-making processes, the indisputability of the choices,
with the consequent reduction of the guarantees to contain the power of the
public administration and the State. This explains the reform of the procurement
code, passed off as an optimization of the execution times of the works, the
feared reform of the administrative process to reduce the guarantees to the
arbitration of the public administration, the revision of the territorial
management procedure, the adoption of the so-called policy of doing which
actually hides that of laissez faire .
The introduction of differentiated autonomy makes it possible to concentrate
everyone's resources on the richest regions and to let the poorest ones manage
their progressive decline autonomously, accentuating territorial differences and,
on a social level, increasing the differences between rich and poor, soliciting
the selfishness of some and the absolute absence of solidarity behaviors, which
in the project of the right must become negative values. Contrary to popular
belief, none of this could work without modifying government processes at the
central level, characterizing them by decisionism and verticality. The
constitutional reform of governance, whether one chooses presidentialism,
semi-presidentialism or the premiership, is not the antidote to the
decentralization allowed by autonomy, but rather a way of accompanying a
commanding decision-making process at the central level that will characterize
both the central State and its peripheral activity in some regions. This
institutional overhaul project is marketed as a modernization of the government
system, an acceleration and streamlining of decision-making processes, a
political response to the growing tendency of voters to disaffection from voting,
a remedy for the refusal to participate in a society of entertainment where the
roles of power are defined and are certainly not transformable or subjected to a
mutation as an effect of the vote.
The institutional reform that is being prepared aims, in reality, to further
distance voters and citizens from participation in order to build an oligarchic
system of political leadership which constitutes a perverse evolution of the
liberal ordering of the state. With this reform, power throws off the mask and
presents itself for what it is eyes of a people: a business committee managing
activities for the people, seen as increasingly made up of subjects rather than
citizens, which operates to protect and in the interests of small and
well-defined groups of oligarchs. It is significant that this government
structure is becoming more and more similar to degenerative forms of other types
of government, such as those born from the crisis of Eastern European regimes,
and which also evolved assuming the institutional form of democracy.

The reform of the welfare state

The reform of the state institutions is worrying because it goes hand in hand
with that of the welfare state , already in crisis in this economic and political
cycle, but which in Italy is being carried out by affecting one of the most
delicate factors which combine to make it possible: the existence of a
progressive taxation which with the tax revenue feeds it with the resources
necessary for its existence. It is in this sense and in this perspective that the
introduction of the flat tax should be placedwhich is not only a tool for
redistributing the tax levy in favor of the richest and some categories, but also
a tool for reducing social resources, making sure that the principle is affirmed
in society that services must be paid for directly and that activity of the
State, as an agent of income redistribution, replaces the autonomy of
individuals, called to manage their own wages and poverty, or their own income
and wealth, when these come from speculative and financial, entrepreneurial and
management of the country's economic structure. This is the way to introduce a
growing individualism which is the enemy of solidarity,intra menia , using State
structures and carrying out a double job that is certainly well-paying.
Many other examples could be given, just think of education and many other
sectors in social life, characterized by the provision of services, to understand
what a profound transformation of society is preparing for. After all, this
process has been underway for some time, supported by left-wing parties, which
have often made themselves the bearers of capital's requests for a reduction in
the so-called indirect wages and the contemporary tendency to reduce taxes for
the richest.

We and the rule of law

We anarchist communists have always expressed our criticisms of the liberal
conception of the rule of law, but we have seen the choices of those state
structures that have adopted this model of state, more or less perfect, and
certainly full of contradictions and defects, as a situation in which to live,
trying to organize and develop the class struggle for the transformation of the
bourgeois state into a society of free and equal, internationalist, federative,
self-managing, which would allow men and women to live in a better way, in which
it is It is possible to achieve equality and well-being for all without
discrimination of sex, race or religion, and this precisely because we are
convinced of the need for a more just society.But what the right is proposing
today is a model of the state and of an authoritarian, dictatorial society,
characterized by oppressed economic, civil and social freedoms.
It is for this reason that we are very clear that we must oppose this project in
every way, even if we start from a situation of objective difficulty, marked by
profound social transformations, by a growing social clash between city and
countryside, between metropolis and suburbs, which manifests itself in an ever
clearer way and which has effects at the level of consensus management and
therefore electoral, as evidenced by what is happening in many countries where
fear of change prevails, fears of uncontrolled technological development, which
erodes the world of work, sharpens differences, leaves little income and secure
jobs and therefore constitutes a pool of consensus for the right who offer as
their political proposal the refusal of change and the preservation of the
existing order, rather than the construction of one,security and protection,
which is confirmed by the recovery of tradition.
To start afresh, you need to have the courage to dare and try to take note of
what is happening, working in the area to regain consensus, to take root in
society and start afresh with a political opposition capable of planning,
proposing, proposing possible solutions to ever new problems that arise, which go
in the direction of the protection of equality, freedom, solidarity.

The editorial staff

http://www.ucadi.org/2023/06/19/democrature-e-stato-di-diritto/
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