WORLD WORLDWIDE ITALY News Journal Update - (en) Italy, FDCA, Il Cantiere #18: Between a draft and the original in the end you always choose the original-Cristiano Valente (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Despite the fact that this government structure has clearly manifested its class

nature and its social block of reference, the entrepreneurs, the only saving
actors for an improbable economic and employment recovery; self-employed
professions; the lobbies of accountants, seaside resorts and taxi drivers; on the
part of the trade union leaders, we still regret and stammer that the
confrontation between the social partners does not take place in a preventive and
even shared manner. ---- In fact, on the occasion of the last meetings of CGIL
CISL and UIL with the government, beyond some questions of merit, the major
criticism of the trade union leaders is aimed at the method of an exclusively
formal and not real confrontation, being the convocation which took place only
the day before the Council of Ministers of May 1st and at the subsequent launch
of the work decree.
The criticism that is most forcefully expressed is the desire not to implement a
practice which, for the union leaders, should be characterized by the constant
search for dialogue between the government, trade union organizations and
employers' associations: the so-called concertation, which should lead to the
prior consent of all social actors (entrepreneurs, trade unions and government)
on macro political and economic decisions.
In reality this practice, formally inaugurated by the Ciampi government in the
last years of the last century (1993) is the one that determined and sanctioned
the overcoming and disappearance of the Escalator of workers' wages, an
instrument, albeit partial, of automatic defense of wages, determining, in the
last thirty years, in addition to a constant loss of purchasing power for the
working masses, great steps backwards also in the field of deferred wages, such
as pensions and public services starting from health care and education, with a
regression in the same labor regulations, dramatically amplifying precariousness,
with the mass of atypical contracts, also introduced starting from the same
years, guiltily and convincedly accepted by the union leaders and which the
Meloni government has amplified and made even more precarious precisely through
this last decree.
As if there was no awareness of this situation and in the face of an increasingly
difficult economic and social situation due to the inflationary recovery,
contrary to what would be desirable, starting from a profound self-criticism of
the strategies and practices implemented in these the last thirty years, the
union leaders, despite the clamors and shouts at the rallies, continue to
indicate and sponsor this strategy.
What is even more disconcerting is the attitude of the largest Italian trade
union, the CGIL, which has for some time now been introducing into its political
elaboration elements of interclassism and corporatism which have always been the
cultural background and values of the CISL.
In our previous articles, we have already highlighted such a drift, specifically
in the notes in which we evaluated the congress document presented by the CGIL
Secretariat for its XIX Congress.
In those notes we stated that: "throughout the document "Work creates the future"
... right from the start, it is explicitly stated that the declared objective is
to aim through bargaining for "spaces of codetermination" recognizing "equal
dignity" between values and "the interests represented by work and by business" (1)
We continued by pointing out that the rejection of an analysis that presupposes
the inexorable contrast between the working masses and the bosses and
consequently the rejection of an inevitable and necessary conflictual practice in
order to modify the balance of power in favor of our class, means that this
organization reaches conclusions in which the capitalist enterprise is outlined
as "a complex social system in which different points of view, different
subjectivities coexist" and that negotiation, albeit necessary, must be directed
and auspicious for "opening a space for negotiation that makes the definition of
an equilibrium point is possible" (2)
But that is not all. Also in the document presented and approved at the last
national congress of the CGIL, which ended last March, the strategic choice
continues to be indicated as "an idea of the company as a system in which all
subjects can be active protagonists" (3 )

As can be seen a substantially corporate vision between the classic meaning of
the social right, the social doctrine of the Church and properly that of the CISL
which not by chance from its origins claims the superiority of members over all
workers, positioning itself and conceiving itself more as a "lobby " and not an
instrument of resistance and emancipation of the working masses, in a vision of
the social status quo and certainly not for overcoming the capitalist production
system.
In harmony with such an approach, on 20 April last, the general secretary of the
CISL, Luigi Sbarra, together with a delegation from the Confederation, deposited
the Proposal for a law of popular initiative "Participation in Work" with the
Court of Cassation in Rome.
Through a vast campaign to collect signatures throughout the country, with this
proposal the CISL intends to give full application to article 46 of the
Constitution, which establishes the right of workers to collaborate in the
management of companies.
In the presentation of the popular initiative bill we can immediately read: it
contains, as an explicit consequence, the need to build a set of rules aimed at
guaranteeing that the companies themselves contribute to realizing, through the
creation of work, together with the material one, also the spiritual development
of society" (4)
As further confirmation and clarification of the interclassist and corporative
strategy from which this project derives, it is stated: "The companies that
create work must be free to operate in such a way as to re profit and patrimonial
wealth, but by themselves they are unable to ensure either the correct
redistribution of the wealth produced or, above all, the necessary social
responsibility.
And again: "It is in this ideal and at the same time pragmatic vision of work
that article 46 was born: the elevation of the worker to collaborator of the
company, with the intention of giving progressiveness to the norm up to its full
evolution in the participation , makes workers responsible for the good running
of the company and at the same time creates a dimension of capitalism in which
the bearer of financial resources cannot override the interests of people and
society"
This is the idea of a democracy that does not stop at a construction based on the
conflict between subjects carrying the mere representation of interests of
classes or social groups, but rather is destined to progress in a truly
participatory and cooperative dimension
..." (5)
The substantially inter-class and decidedly corporative character inherent and
claimed in the elaboration of the CISL is not at all far from the affirmations
that we have reported in the CGIL congressional document, as well as those that
its National Secretary has repeatedly recalled, with reference to
co-determination, (6 ) concept already in nuce in previous elaborations and
present in the same interconfederal agreement and Confindustria of 2018 known as
the Pact of the Factory.
The subordination and retreat of the social conditions of the working masses and
of the new generations is a consequence of this choice and of these ideological
approaches, all within the mercantile and liberal economic system.
Subordination that increasingly results in convinced adherence to restructuring
processes such as the constant reduction of universal services, from health care
to social security, to end up in worse wage and regulatory conditions. How else
to justify for example the convinced adherence to the pension plan complementary,
with the sponsorship of negotiated pension funds and with the request for a new
semester of silent consent, objectives always indicated in the CGIL congress
document, or the convinced adherence to all those forms of supplementary
healthcare, which represent the concrete overcoming of the universalistic concept
of services?
The so-called "company welfare", in addition to guaranteeing new profit areas for
private entrepreneurs, is nothing more than the sneaky reintroduction of the old
mutuals and therefore of the diversity of services depending on the category or
regulatory position, but above all it represents a constant reduction of loans to
public health since for the quotas that the employers pay as services there are
no contributions obligations. It is no coincidence that the Meloni government, in
the work decree, following the Council of Ministers held on May 1, hinged on a
series of measures which, in addition to the announced undermining of the
Citizenship Income and the removal of the reasons for the renewals of fixed-term
contracts, bringing them up to 24 months in addition to the first 12 where they
were not already foreseen and having reintroduced the vouchers for seasonal jobs,
he increased the company welfare salary deductible bringing it up to 3000 euros
from the current 258.23.
You don't pay for having reduced the audience of citizens' income recipients by
having surreptitiously introduced the category of employable people and the same
amount, making attendance at the imaginary training courses mandatory, you can
also lose this mini-check in the event of a job offer, whatever you want, even
with hours reduced by 60% of the monthly number of hours within 80 km. from home
or if more than 12 months within the whole national territory.
Furthermore, the same maneuver on the tax wedge is in reality little more than a
tip that does not even recover the inflationary effects on incomes and moreover
only until next December thirteenth month excluded.
But the biggest change, in our opinion, is that which concerns the discipline of
the fixed-term employment contract. In fact, in the article of the decree, while
providing for a possible national collective bargaining in the absence of such
agreements, reference is made to the bargaining between the parties, in the
individual workplaces pursuant to art. 51 of Legislative Decree 81/2015, a
legislative creature daughter of the Jobs Act of Renziana memory, i.e. all those
territorial or company collective agreements entered into by trade union
associations that are comparatively more representative at national level and the
company collective agreements entered into by their company union representatives
(RSA ) or by the unitary trade union representation (RSU).
But if such a discipline were not enough to enormously increase the employers'
discretion in the use of precarious workers or if there were not to be found any
representation or union of convenience or yellow, where in any case some
representation of workers still particularly conflicting had to be determined, in
absence of regulation by the contract, the technical, organizational and
production reasons can be identified and reported in the contract by the
contracting parties, i.e. employer and employee.
A real individual negotiation between bosses and male or female workers bypassing
any trade union negotiation.
As can be seen, the retreat is substantial and is the result of that blindness in
the analysis of society which persists in not recognizing the inevitable conflict
of interests between the classes: bosses and working masses. As in the political
sphere it is now clear, or should be, that the original is then chosen over the
photocopy precisely in relation to the constant adherence shown by the parties of
the left to the nationalistic competitive logic in the world arena, bringing
these aggregations and their followers more and more on the ground and in defense
of the interests of the ruling class and classes and less and less of the working
masses, who then chose the original, giving credit first to Berlusconi and today
to Meloni, so on the union ground there is only one the most dangerous thing in
continuing with concertation policies: trying to imitate the CISL.

Note:
(1) the SITE No. 10 September 2022 "CGIL XIX National Congress Does Work Create
the Future? It depends on how and who defends it"
(2) Ditto
(3) Ditto
(4) Popular initiative bill Participation in work For a governance involving workers
CISL www.cisl.it
(5) Ditto
(6) Collettiva.it 12/02/2022Landini "Democracy and participation: work starts
from here" Davide Orecchio

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