After 9 months of right-wing government - which are not few, and 50 are waiting
for us - we believe the time has come to take stock: the requests to "let themwork" have had their day and the first conclusions can be drawn . Especiallysince the prospect of a mandate that lasts for the entire legislature is notimprobable, not so much and only because the opposition is divided, but becauseit does not seem to want to understand what is the project at a tactical andstrategic level that guides the Government and once again once the "left" treatsthe right with arrogance, underestimating it: and loses. It is for this reasonthat we believe it is appropriate to try to propose a reading, even inperspective, of what the right in government does and plans to do, distinguishingbetween the prime minister and her allies.Economic policy and foreign policyMeloni has entrusted one role to herself and her entourage and another to the party:the Government and the control room have the task of maintaining the country'sinternational position in the economic and foreign policy fields, therefore theyadopt Dragon-like choices and methods , aware that the economic limits ofoperation have been drawn by the strict dependence and anchorage to communitypolicies, that the budget balance must be maintained by controlling expenditureand that Atlantic and NATO loyalty must be absolute. In economics and in generalforeign policy the blanket is short and staying on track has guaranteed theentente cordialwith Brussels, as we have seen. This constraint is respected inthe expectation of overcoming it after the European elections, in which Meloniplans to create the conditions for a new alliance in the management of theEuropean Community which will see the Conservatives directed by her play amanagement role in the Commission.While waiting for better times in Europe, the government's foreign policy movesby designing the so-called Mattei plan for Africa, which is in realityinconsistent and lacking in content, by forging relationships and alliances thatmake it possible to put at least a brake on the migratory flow, establishingrelations with politically close partners such as England's conservative RishiSunak, while Meloni plays the dog with Biden, holding him and letting him holdhis hand.This strategy allows the absolute incompetence of the government to be sweptunder the carpet, which nevertheless emerges with extreme clarity andself-evident evidence in the bankruptcy management of the PNRR, in relation towhich the delays and design and management shortcomings are becoming increasinglyevident. The request for renegotiation of the provisions intends to hide at allcosts the inability to plan and implement, or if one prefers to ground, theprojects prepared.There are shortcomings of the previous government which had made its own choicesin terms of management and selection of political and managerial personnel whoshould have managed what was proposed, and all this to implement a redistributionof tasks functional to the division of power. which is one of the main objectivesof the government. Proof of this is what happened with the appointments to themanagement of public bodies, large groups, as well as the management ofinfrastructures and the coverage of the most delicate and strategic institutionalroles which takes place constantly and with which the foundations are laid for apermanent occupation of the State and its vital ganglia. What is happening in Raiis the emblematic and clear demonstration of this and allows us to understandwhen the operation is pervasive and capable of producing effects long-term and topour onto the second front, the one managed by the party, which concerns thefascistisation of society and the start of a cultural-political process whichmust lead to change, in the intentions of the government majority, the socialsentiment on strategic issues such as the family, the values of solidarity,health, eugenics, as well as topics such as euthanasia, surrogacy, relationsbetween the sexes, social relations as a whole, passing off all this as aresponse to demographic decline, a response to ethnic substitution and all theother junk that characterizes the vision that the right has of the world and ofthe future.The role of the partyThe project may appear unrealistic, but the right is convinced of it and supportsit with strength and tools capable of influencing and establishing themselves inthe collective imagination. In this strategy the control of the means of masscommunication is essential and their orientation inevitably shifts with thegeneral cultural climate that is created. For its part, the left does nothing butrepeat that the right is devoid of culture, that it does not have the necessaryintellectuals, able to carry out the task required of them, and in doing so itunderestimates the role that so many replicating parrots can play of repeatingconcepts, proposals and languages, end up, in the general tiredness, by imposingthem, to make them become prevalent, moments of social communication and toolsfor the formation of consensus. If you react like this, the right has already won,This cultural climate benefits in a broad sense from a political point of view,the government majority which can continue to operate in an environment favorableto it, in which the political proposals it makes are the coherent response to theneeds that seem to emerge from society. This explains the policies of the smallsteps in the restoration, constituted by the proposals of the party, meaning bythis to refer to that numerous and ever-changing plethora of parliamentarians,who churn out proposals such as those relating to the management of language,communication, the use of foreign terms , provisions regarding food, choices andhabits regarding the management of leisure time and social activities. Everylittle proposal constitutes a reinterpretation in an updated key of fashions andcustoms of the twenty years and today they go back to being current, to seem likea new and modern attitude of response to today's problems. The goal, unrealisticas it may seem, is aimed at giving the country a new identity, consistent withthe vision of the world that the right has, which exists, which is real and istrying to enter consciences. The basic objective is to give life to a version ofthe ethical state, which will certainly be low profile, but which will tell uswhat is good, what is appropriate, what needs to be done.All this work is anything but an end in itself and has a precise objective: toprepare institutional reform which, even if it has not yet assumed a precisetechnical configuration, aims at strengthening the executive and canindifferently take the form of presidentialism , semi-presidentialism orpremiership, it doesn't matter that much.The important thing is to change the Constitution significantly so that it can besaid that this is no longer the Republic born of the Resistance, and thattherefore a new constitutional pact has been signed, of which the heirs offascism are founding and constitutive subjects. Only in this way, in the visionof the fascist right, can reconciliation be achieved and come to terms withhistory. Anyone who hasn't understood the project is just an idiot and hasn'tunderstood who they're dealing with, so they're doomed to lose.The activity shown by the prime minister on the occasion of the flood is in parta due act and in part will function as an objective element of mass distractionfrom the government's political objectives which remain unchanged, suitablymasked behind the need for national solidarity, unless the controversy over theappointment of the Commissioner for reconstruction and the feared defenestrationof the Emilia-Romagna Governor, do not reveal the real behavior of theGovernment, making its partisanship clear.The opposition in the GovernmentThis is not the project of the entire right, as the constant tensions andpinpricks of the other two components demonstrate. The League, in particular, ismoved by shop interests - as demonstrated by the position on the appointment ofthe Commissioner for reconstruction in Emilia-Romagna - and moves disorganized toachieve a single objective: differentiated autonomy, clashing in this with theparty of a majority which, however, knows that it needs alliance cohesion toachieve its objective on institutional reform. For these reasons, the onlydangers for the Government can come from within. It is a fact that a reform ofthis kind, in addition to producing profound imbalances between the differentparts of the country, costs money, and therefore appears incompatible with thecurrent economic situation. Furthermore, the project of differentiated autonomyis no longer economically current, given the changed axes of development and theloss of momentum of the autonomy and of the German economy which acted as a poleof attraction for this project. If the majority party is able to exploit thiscontradiction, it will be able to keep its ally under control and to postpone orin any case water down the project of differentiated autonomy so much as to makeit ineffective, with further damage to the institutions because, even assumingthat it comes to an autonomistic reform, it will be ineffective and contradictoryin its effects.In all of this Forza Italia floats, awaiting the funeral of its leader, whom wehope will be close according to a natural path, and which we will not regret,getting lost in the streams of a thousand small measures and interventions ofabsolute strategic ineffectiveness, ready to exchange from time to time its ownsupport with small concessions and support activities for special interests. Inthis struggle in the gasps that precede death, this political formation will haveto deal with the remains of what was the third chicken, increasingly reduced to amagmatic and muddy field of unspeakable political subjects who operate in orderto cultivate their particular hedonism and selfishness, or more simply tocontinue doing business in the shadow of the institutions: some of them arecontent to live on profits deriving from business, two objectives can also find asynthesis in the same individual.And the left?The scattered weaknesses of the left move like ghosts across the country. The 5Stars try to take root in society. seizing slices of power, asking in some way toparticipate in the banquet, (as they did for the RAI nominations) in order toperpetrate themselves, tempted to carry out a policy centered on left-wingslogans to gather consensus and support their own ambitions, but lacking bothinitiative and political agenda. In this way they will end up floating in thecountry's politics as tradesmen, managers of a consensus that is running out.The Pd of the new secretary moves, staggering and uncertain, both in theparliamentary halls and in the country. After an initial momentum, the newsecretariat was unable to become a collective, and focused on the figure-image ofSchlein. His action on the litigation level has blurred, proof of this is that Ihave not found the courage and political intelligence to say that some excellentabandonment of the party, such as that of Fioroni, Borghi, Cottarelli andCaterina Chinnici, constituted a healthy effect of what was happening and thatthe "company" finally got rid of dry branches that are actually non-functional towhat the party would like to be. Thus, instead of jumping at the opportunity andannouncing that the house was being cleaned, Schlein is silent, immobilized,under the weight and in the absence of a political strategy,Where are the initiatives in defense of civil rights, the tough opposition to thegovernment's migration policy, the defense of permanent employment and the fightagainst precariousness: where is the request for wage increases and the one infavor contract renewals, which initiative has been taken to support thesepositions; where the struggles for women's rights. The truth is that thepolitical action of the Democratic Party appears dull, it even suffers the weightof what happened in Emilia Romagna, without having the strength to fully say thateven if we do not share the consequences of climate change and nature is blamedfor geological disaster of the country today we must not limit ourselves tosolidarity and unity of purpose with the government,The problem is that this change passes through the admission of historical faultsof the party: with regard to immigration, it must be said that theTurco-Napolitano is crap - which only precedes and inspires the Bossi-Fini - thatthat law owes the Centers for identification and expulsion that the government isstrengthening today, because that is the origin of a criminal migration policy inthe country. It should be said, and not only in the pre-congress meetings, thatthe Jobs Act must be opposed with concrete proposals for the modification, if notthe repeal of those notorious norms; it must be said that the entente cordialwith the bosses is over, and that the party is choosing sides which it is unableto make.We should admit the existence of hesitations and delays in policies to combatclimate change and in favor of a reorganization and social management of the soil.In a word, we should deny the past, say that the compromise policy is a closedchapter, while instead we leave the party in the ford, between winking supportfor entrepreneurship and finance and a definitive and incompatible side with thenature of the party, in favor of the working and peasant class and of exploitedand jobless men and women. The same goes for youth policy, for concrete actionsagainst job insecurity, for a different relationship with trade unionorganisations, in support of the fight for a minimum wage established by law, infavor of relaunching theworkplace conflict.The last election checkThe ineffectiveness of the opposition that the left should be able to developtowards the government is confirmed today May 29 by the results of the last roundof administrative elections which saw the electorate's favor for the governmentparties reconfirmed. Even where broad coalitions have formed on the left, theyhave appeared occasional and uncertain and have not convinced voters. The truthis that there is no real and articulated programme, no credible political proposal.If it is certainly true that the 5 stars do not shine in the administrativeelections, the renewed PD (?) does not even remotely reveal anything new and thegrowth of the progressive and innovative proposal proposed by Schlein appearsnon-existent and therefore ineffective, as demonstrated by the results of thevote in the Tuscan cities and in Ancona: more and more voters are staying at home!And U.SThese are the tactics and strategies of political parties. But class compositionis also in crisis and is certainly not experiencing a happy season. Bent over bythe precarious economic situation as regards the structures of employmentrelationships, affected by the growth of inflation and the worsening of livingand working conditions, the crisis due to the repetition of devastating climaticevents, the result of growing neglect of the territory, prostrated by thepersistence of the conflict in Ukraine, while the parties of the left seem not tonotice the war or even worse to consider it an inevitable and structural eventwith which one can not only live with, but support and support it, the workersand the lower classes undergo the initiative of the employers and parties,In this situation, once again, the only thing left is to take the initiativedirectly, aware that mobilization has its limits and that defeat must be takeninto account, but that even if momentary, it represents only a stage on the longjourney that leads to defense full of their rights and therefore stubbornlyinsist on mobilizing and fighting for their rights and interests.The editorial staffhttp://www.ucadi.org/2023/05/29/il-punto/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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