Another class defeat. What to do now ? Which saints to turn ? Should we
rely on the parliamentary left ? Should we desert this world inperdition ? Should we go back to Lenin ? Should we do exclusively tradeunionism ? UCL offers another position. ---- As after each major defeat- and the failure of the fight against the 64-year-old is one of them -the social movement will be crossed by questions about the follow-up tobe given to this vast struggle. Several perspectives will be offered tohim. ---- The new clothes of reformism ---- The most popular will be theprospect of voting for the left in the next presidential and legislativeelections, in 2027. Because we saw it during the battle for pensions: inthe Fifth Republic , the parliamentary opposition is essentiallydecorative. At the Palais-Bourbon, the thousands of amendments, rants,the gadget of the " shared initiative referendum ", the ultimatecliffhanger of the LIOT bill... were unsurprisingly annihilated by theconstitutional mechanisms provided for this, and in the first placearticle 49-3.Caroline DuboisInevitably, therefore, there will be, in the general public, aspirationfor an electoral victory for the left in 2027 - whether or not the Nupeshas exploded by then - to drive out a hated macronism and stop aconquering extreme right. On this subject, let us dispel anymisunderstanding: the revolutionaries will always prefer to have thereformist left than the RN and Marine Le Pen at the Élysée. But we knowfull well that once in power, and after a few emblematic measures - areturn to retirement at 60 (?) - a left-wing government will do no morethan provide social support for capitalism. The neo-reformist program ofFrance insoumise, for example, does not question either capitalistprivate property or the law of the market - which renders its claim toinitiate ecological planning, however vital, insubstantial.The left sting of neo-reformismThe role of the revolutionaries will be to tell the truth on thissubject, and not to disarm the workers by selling them dreams about the" hope " that a left-wing government would constitute, hoping theneither to " overflow " it ( logic of the " united front " of the 1930s)or be its " left sting ". This was the policy of the LCR in 1996-1997 insupporting the victory of the Plural Left (PS-PCF-PRG-Greens) ; it wasthat of the anti-capitalist currents which, under the name of Ensemble,allied themselves with the reformist left in 2013 (and self-liquidatedthere). Ten years later, the NPA " B " of Besancenot, Poutou and Poupin(which will soon change its name) is now taking the same path, seekingto ally itself with rebellious France. UCL shares several concerns withthis Marxist current: anti-capitalism, the self-organization ofstruggles, the rejection of demagoguery, the denunciation of selectiveanti-imperialism ("campism"). On the other hand, we reject its tendencyto position itself as a " left sting " of neo-reformism, facilitated bythe vagueness maintained around its social project.The temptation of the Leninist avant-gardismThe Leninist solution certainly continues to have its followers. Therewas the invariant Lutte Ouvrière. Since the final crisis of the NPA in2022, two additional organizations have applied for the role of thevanguard party : the CCR-Permanent Revolution and the NPA " C " linkedto Gaël Quirante and the Spark fraction. We do not dispute the sincerityor the involvement of these activists in the social movement. ButLeninism cannot constitute a political alternative. On the one hand,because the nationalization of the economy, wherever it has beenapplied, has in no way abolished the exploitation of either humanity ornature: it has meant the passage from a capitalism of competition withstate capitalism, headed by a new privileged ruling class. On the otherhand, because the objective of seizing power by the vanguard party toooften leads, in the social movement, to proclamatory, interventionistpractices, even to instrumentalization, the aim of which is less toadvance the fight than to assert the leadership of the party. This isdefinitely not the path chosen by UCL, which seeks to make theself-management of struggles the prefiguration of the self-management oftomorrow. Hence his insistence on the need to bring together local GAsrooted in companies and representative of workers in struggle, withoutwhich the " interpro " GAs can be above ground, even fictitious.Falling back into the "interstices"It is a cyclical phenomenon : in the wake of a social movement - whethervictorious or not -, militant groups seek to defect from this world inperdition, to withdraw from it to live " outside " , in communities thatwant to be autonomous, by experimenting with " alternatives in action "in the " interstices " of the system. There is no question of mockingthis aspiration, on the grounds that it turns its back on directconfrontation in the company. Alternative spaces, self-managed places oflife or work, certainly do not live outside capitalist production -which supplies them with fuel, tools, computers, textiles... - but theycan constitute useful counter-examples demonstrating that a anothersociability, another living economy is possible. They can even be usefulbases for general struggles provided they do not isolate themselves, andremain linked to the counter-powers organized within the system :struggle unions, ecological, feminist, anti-racist, anti-fascist groups.Caroline DuboisThis multifaceted protest increasingly shares an anti-capitalism madeevident by the climate crisis. But this negative definition (" anti ")is absurd if it does not embrace a positive project. It seems to us thata communism based on self-management is the most coherent response.For want of anything better, pure unionismConsolidating militant trade unionism, setting up sections, developingthe organization of workers, and therefore their capacity forself-defense against employers : this is a strategic axis that we makeour own. But on condition that you do not make a common mistake inlibertarian circles : that of confining your action to " pure unionism". To be a dedicated, persevering, recognized craftsman of theself-organization of employees, and to think that an exemplary practicewill, on its own, " naturally " generate an anti-capitalist andself-management alternative... It's an illusion which amounts, in fact,to delegating to neo-reformist or Leninist currents the task ofproposing their own political solutions.Politicizing the extra-institutional routeA libertarian revolutionary strategy that works on its own two legscombines two levels of intervention : on the one hand, activity insocial movements, to play a leading role in them, with a practice ofself-management ; on the other hand, the construction of a libertariancommunist current that is readable and audible in the face of otherpolitical currents. This is the strategy that the Libertarian CommunistUnion has followed since its founding in 2019. With its share offrustrations and disappointments, it must be said, but also lessons tobe learned from it to consolidate a current that strives to bringrevolutionary and libertarian responses to social and political crisesthat will go crescendo. The 2nd UCL Federal Congress, in November 2023,will be a decisive moment to bring the organization to the level ofthese issues. Guillaume Davranche (UCL Montreuil)https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?il-est-grand-temps-d-opter-pour-le-communisme-et-l-autogestion_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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