The Italian Prime Minister who has delegated the management of the
country's internal politics to her cronies who combine raw and cookedthings, focused her attention on foreign policy and strongly supportedthe "International Conference on Development and Migration" held in RomeJuly 23 . All the states of the southern shore of the enlargedMediterranean, the Middle East and the Gulf, the EU countries of firstport and some partners of the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, the heads ofthe European institutions and the financial institutions took part ininternational, with the aim of dealing with emergencies and launching ashared development strategy for the countries involved.There is no doubt that the initiative represents a revival of theItalian foreign policy initiative which seeks to replace France - notsurprisingly not invited to the conference - in playing an active rolein Africa and in the countries of the southern shore of theMediterranean, with the 'I intend to hinder migratory flows in this way,by moving the border of the European Union to the countries of thesouthern shore of the Mediterranean and at the same time with the aim ofpenetrating the economies of the countries involved, using as a pretextthe intention to promote development, through equal partnershipactivities, dusting off the cooperation formula that belonged to EnricoMattei, after whom he named his intervention program for Africa. To keepthem staff, in the figure of a puppet, the Minister of Foreign AffairsTaiani, de facto police station,Hence, it was a first initiative, characterized by substantially smokyspeeches, by generic promises, but supported by a philosophy and byrather clear objectives: we want to multiply protocols such as theagreement just signed with Tunisia on the control of the coasts and therejection of migrants, in order to create a cordon sanitaire, in chargeof managing that phantom naval blockade hypothesizedin the electoral campaign that should stop migrants, in the name and onbehalf of the Italian state, which acts as a paymaster, together withthe European Union, which, not surprisingly, supports Meloni. This dirtywork, in fact criminal, which Minniti already contracted out to theLibyan tribes and to the human traffickers of that country, today Melonitransforms it into a state task and officially entrusts it to thewell-known racist Tunisian dictator, in turn, awaiting a similarproposal to be signed with the Egyptian dictator, with whomnegotiations, customs agreements, trade agreements and so on areunderway, and of which, perhaps, the agreement on the release of PatrickZaki constitutes a positive anticipation. This is how foreign policy,but also migration policy, is outlined,Emigrant labor marketWith respect to her party's electoral programmes, it seems to bepossible to say that the pragmatism that characterizes Prime MinisterMeloni's modus operandi is leading her to review her own positions onmatters of emigration, ethnic replacement, and other rubbish of thekind, under the thrust and pressure of Confindustria and patronage,worried about the need to have a qualified workforce to use in companies.If until now the interests of the patronage in terms of labor of migrantorigin were above all those coming from the agricultural and laboringworld, from that of services and logistics, services, it was a matter ofhaving cheap workers, possibly relegated to the market black, to whichthis labor market can draw due to the structural characteristics of workorganization (temporary, precarious, seasonal) now the needs of theworkforce are changing because with the growth of the consequences ofthe demographic crisis and the simultaneous positive trend of economyand employment in the country, the demands for skilled workers on thelabor market are growing, while the need to have a qualified workforceto employ becomes more and more pressing.In this new perspective, the Bossi Fini, although revisited, is nolonger functional in responding to the management, above allclandestine, indeed deliberately clandestine, of the migrant labormarket but opposing a change of strategy and providing for thepreventive training of the workforce to be hired, proof of which is atthe request of employers' organisations, the government has increasedregular migratory flows, bringing them to a figure very close to the500,000 units assumed by the premier's brother-in-law.In this new situation, the government looks realistically at the needsof the economy and inevitably chooses to comply with the requests of thepatronage, not without having selected as many migrants as possible tolet into the country.The contradictory element of this strategy is constituted by theenormous number of migrants who increasingly reach the Italian coasts,who impose their presence on the country every day, while the hope,which the government seems to nurture, of being able to in the future,just through the agreements that standsby signing, to be able to reject at least a part of those who havealready entered Italy, for whom there is no other way left than tofacilitate their exodus across the border, towards Europe, so that theybecome a problem for other countries, which, moreover, constitute theirfinal destination. On this path, the government has a contradictionrepresented by the commitments it is making at the same time, involvingthe European Union in the management of the migratory flow, but itconstitutes one of the consequences of pragmatism, that of an a la cartepolicy, day by day, without looking at the long-term consequences of thechoices that are gradually made.But there's more: in the long-term strategy that guides the action ofthe Italian prime minister - who feels invested with this role for asufficiently long period to allow her to deploy her strategyeffectively. Therefore he has the ambition to make migration policy oneof the qualifying elements of a future majority that should lead thenext Commission of the European Union, and from this role and from thisbench to manage the phenomenon with certainly greater effectiveness andtools.The premier's is a risky and ambitious calculation, but part of the moregeneral strategy that she pursues, which takes the form of the beliefthat only through a consolidated influence of her party in the EuropeanUnion is it possible to make control and management of Italy, accordingto its objectives and desires, since today the real power, whetherfinancial, economic or political, resides in Brussels rather than inRome. Proof of this is that the Italian government you direct todaypractices an economic policy in fact predetermined by your predecessorand routed by him on tracks rigidly controlled by Brussels.Not being able to say that Brussels controls the government and directsthe Italian government, Meloni has decided to take over Brussels.A non-existent oppositionIn the face of this right-wing capacity for initiative, the left inParliament appears incapable of any response, also because, witharrogance, it has underestimated and continues to underestimate theright's tactical and strategic capacity . This causes her to stutter and- divided as she is - desperately tries to start afresh, finding in thedecidedly minimal request for the minimum wage, decided by law, at leasta unifying objective, when in sum she should have taken care of theproblem of low wages, precarious work, the absence of safeguards andguarantees for work. And all this while an unprecedented attack on thepoor and incompetent is underway and queues are growing at socialsolidarity and charity associations.One wonders if there is a limit beyond which it is not possible to gobefore anger explodes irrepressible and this even if the electoral pollsphotograph a resigned country.The editorial staffhttp://www.ucadi.org/2023/07/28/meloni-lafricana/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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