The events in Russia and the events of Prigozhin have unleashed the foreign policy experts and even more the warmongering pennies such as Paolo Mieli who believed they could exploit the Russian mercenary for pro-Ukraine propaganda and for fueling the conflict, betraying their task for correct information.
---- It is not just a violation of professional ethics, but bad faith, ignorance, short-sightedness and
guilty complicity, aimed at hiding the root causes of the war inUkraine, avoiding a more in-depth reflection on the role of thedifferent political systems in the management of power.Therefore, he takes the opportunity to repeat the usual clichés aboutthe merits of Western democratic systems and the virtues of"democracies" that would oppose autocracies and dictatorships, with theresult of not allowing us to grasp the crisis of all political systems,plastically represented by attempts to coups d'état, such as the assaulton Capitol Hill or the Brazilian Parliament, on closer inspectiondiffering only in forms and methods from the action put in place by theRussian mercenary. This is because it would be embarrassing to have toadmit the legitimacy crisis of governments and institutions in Westerndemocracies, which occurs in the substantial estrangement anddisinterest of the peoples.It is therefore worth intervening on the facts to clarify and offermaterial for reflection to all and all those who resent being taken fora ride on political events, power strategies, intertwining intereststhat upset their lives, and lastly on the reasons for the supply ofarmaments and the co-belligerency of NATO States to the Ukrainianconflict which needs, so that its causes and possible effects can beexamined, to be placed in the context of a geo-strategic vision ofrelations between States, regardless from the proposed reading scheme.All this bearing in mind that Russia's military intervention in Ukrainehas causes prior to the entry of troops into thecountry in 2022, starting from the actual start of the narration of thefacts. This is why to proceed with the analysis it is worth doing it bypoints, also in order to avoid omissions as much as possible withrespect to a complex issue.Peoples, armies and warA priority reflection is required: that on war and the composition ofarmies today. The world is far from at peace, proof that there arecurrently about forty wars on the planet, including those between statesand civil wars, often fueled by the interests of other states oreconomic powers, for the purpose of prey onresources of very poor states, but rich in mineral and/or oil resources.To fight these wars, governments cannot rely on traditional nationalarmies, but often resort to private militias which in the West take thename of contractors, managed by agencies that place themselves at thedisposal of clients to carry out the tasks entrusted to them (forexample the civil war that for years has torn Sierra Leone apart forcontrol of its diamond production); these armed organizations in EasternEurope are called companies.The reason for resorting to private armies arises from the fact that inmodern societies citizens are unwilling to "immolate themselves fortheir country" and take the field to fight wars in which they arepersonally uninterested, but which instead greatly concern the strategiceconomic interests of governments and individuals and which respond tothe interests of economic and power groups operating on the market, inorder to grab the management and exploitation of resources, especiallyin those countries which do not have such political and economicstability as to self-manage and whichtherefore they are at the mercy of the most enterprising "investors" whotry to prey on their resources in every possible way. This is the casein many African countries, in Latin America, in the Far East and, whynot, also in the Arab-Islamic world.The unpopularity of the war, especially after the fall of the BerlinWall, has stimulated the West to resort to contractors massively, proofof which is whether to fight the war in Iraq or manage the occupation ofAfghanistan, after the first phase of the he invasion through theregular army, or should we say, the regular armies, has been replaced byprivate militias in increasing numbers. It was necessary to manage thewar, which had become unpopular and too costly because, carried out inthe spotlight of the news, it produced a continuous return of bodies ofsoldiers who had documented deaths on the field which alarmed publicopinion.homeland. In this situation, it was better and more convenient to resortto war through private militias, appropriately financed by thoseeconomic groups which directly profited from the war and which weretherefore interested in provoking and conducting it, such as, forexample, war industry companies, interested in renewing arsenals andproducing ever more effective weapons, or the mining and oil companies.Conversely, this phenomenon was also developing in Russia, which hadinherited the legacy of the defeated Soviet Union and was experiencing asituation of total collapse of the military apparatus, upset by thechanged political balance in the countries of the former Warsaw pact andfrom the dissolution of the Soviet state estate. The oligarchssuccessively in power, after having bought the remains of the State atbargain prices, they dedicated themselves to rebuilding new balances ofinterest between groups and conglomerates of companies and, acting on amarket without rules, they fought wildly for its control; to supporttheir strength in the context of a damaged state structure, theyequipped themselves with support militias. This is the origin of thecompanies, such as Wagner (but there are about fifty of them in Russia),which offered their services to generous clients with increasingeffectiveness. The State took advantage of this market offer which,lacking an efficient military apparatus and also trained by the manydead in the Afghan war, reserved the residues of its organized resourcesof men to manage the atomic arsenal, through a restrictedbut he did not have the strength and resources sufficient to recreate anefficient and capable land army, whose presence was not recommended evento prevent it from offering itself to the politician of the moment toaim for control of the state.The intelligence cadres were an exception in this scheme, and it is nocoincidence that Putin comes precisely from that world of ex-Sovietsecret services which, once demobilized after the defeat in the waragainst the United States, tacitly fought and lost, sought a newposition in business and politics, to recycle the acquaintances,friendships, supports, the potential for political blackmail accumulatedwith respect to a recent and even remote past, to make their way andestablish themselves in the new balance of power.In this way we reach the 2000s with the situation deteriorating andbecoming more and more complicated due to the growing ambitions of theRussian government to rebuild imperial Russia on a new basis, with thesupport of the Russian Orthodox Church and its Patriarchate at itscentre, which provides a revised and updated version of the all-Russianideology that nurtures Russia's imperial dream. This creates theconditions for the proliferation of private companies and armies inRussia and multiplies their use on all fronts of the world stage.Thus, especially with the Syrian war, the use of companies grows, withthe State as client: their presence multiplies in various Africancountries, such as Libya, South Sudan, the Central African Republic andMali, where the mercenaries go to replace the Foreign Legion and Frenchcolonialism in retreat.Sub-powers operate alongside the two main players, which are now thememory of past glories, the legacy of former empires, such as the Frenchand British, which now act through a differentiated strategy. Francedoes not disdain to operate through what remains of its Foreign Legion,but it also resorts to regular army bodies which it sends whenever itcan to the French-speaking countries of Africa to watch over Frenchinterests, it must be said with little success. Great Britain does thesame, resorting instead to the use of militias to its professional army,after having abandoned for geopolitical reasons and the independence ofthe national states - where the recruitment took place - the specialcorps such as those of the Gurkhas, which had characterized his colonialadventures. It is in this context that the overall reflection on therole of military companies such as Wagner, and of agencies, should beinserted since the phenomenon of private armies is of a general nature.A parallel reflection should also be developed on the role played by themany less well-known contractor companies, but equally present on theproxy war market.The war in Ukraine and the changes in the war marketSince its inception, the Ukrainian war was born with particularcharacteristics and is characterized under the name of "specialoperation". It is no coincidence that it begins with a long column oftanks heading towards Kiev, with the aim of soliciting a popularuprising deemed possible, the birth of a puppet government in thecapital through which to regain political control of the country. As is well known, the operation does not take place under Russianflags, but assuming a Z as a symbol, drawn on the military vehicles thatmake up the invasion corps, as if to distance itself and distinguish itfrom a state operation. (in the vague memory of the interventions of theWarsaw Pact - now dissolved - in Hungary and Czechoslovakia).The events are known. The column, incredibly deployed on a road whichallows it to advance on condition of creating a reciprocal obstaclebetween the vehicles and difficulty in maneuvering the vehiclesemployed, with the loss of all mobility, and can be partially destroyedby an effective work of contrast through the drones that represent thenew weapon of this war. On closer inspection it could only be so becausethe operations were conducted by a parade, operetta army, accustomed tothe ritual parades in Red Square, but completely devoid of the capacityfor military intervention. In this disastrous situation from a militarypoint of view, it was necessary to resort to the militias and employboth Wagner and Kadýrov's private army and move the combat front to theEast, i.e. to the oblasts where it had already beenwar going on. The army did not disappear from the front, but was used inmarginal situations and yet with a growing role in the fighting.In this use of militia the Ukrainians were no less, proof of this isthat they relied on special corps such as the Azov battalion, but therewere other paramilitary and "volunteer" corps, made up on an ideologicalbasis by Ukrainian Nazis (who have rooted presence in the country) whohad been preparing for some time to adopt a policy of aggression towardsthe Russian component of the country, the armed wing of politicalparties operating in Ukraine, until then largely a minority. Theresistance of the political power to the invasion and Zelensky's failureto escape soon launched into the first placeplan the role of the regular army and brought out the underground workcarried out since 2014 by the British and other private special bodies,operating in the country under NATO in the training of Ukrainianfighters and with the task of providing for the re-establishment of thearmy Ukrainian.The work was carried out with undoubted effectiveness, to the pointthat, after a few months from the beginning of hostilities and to anever increasing extent, in parallel with the supply of weapons, aUkrainian army was deployed on the battlefield capable of leading to warand absorb and incorporate the private militias which initiallyconducted the hostilities. On the one hand, the call to arms and thecompulsory conscription of the Ukrainians followed, with the ban onleaving the country for men aged to carry out military service, and onthe other, Russia realized that it could not lead the war, by nowfull-blown and started towards a long-term commitment on the front,through private militias and therefore proceeded in turn to compulsorycoercion, through gradual and prudent mobilization.This leap in the quality of the conflict produced an emigration from thecountry of many young people opposed to the war and unwilling to losetheir lives to satisfy Putin's imperial dreams, deaf to the appeals ofthe Patriarch of the Orthodox Church who called to fight to oppose moraldegradation of the West in the name of Holy Russia and immediatelyincreased the need to resort to companies, which received a free hand inrecruiting militiamen inside prisons and among the poorest classes ofthe population.The growth of the strength of the Ukrainian army in the field, supportedand reinforced by Western weapons and by the presence of volunteer corpsof suspicious origin and composition, the gradual and constant growth ofthe professionalism of soldiers trained by NATO personnel, accentuatedthe growth and prevalence of the role of regular armies. The processproceeded more rapidly on the Ukrainian front, while on the Russianfront the militias lined up mainly waiting to train the recruits in themeantime to take them to the front. A division of roles was implemented:the regular army, in addition to training, would build defensive linesand fortifications, while the militias would hold the front and attack.In the run-up to the much-announced Ukrainian counter-offensive, thegeneral staff of the Russian army decided that the conditions had beencreated for taking full control of the front and conducting militaryoperations, also in the belief that the enemy was taking advantage ofthe fragmentation of the Russian command: the decree was thereforepromulgated which from 1 July 2023 integrated the militias into thearmy, eliminating the operational autonomy of the companies and thiscaused the uprising of Wagner which undertook the well-known march onMoscow to negotiate its status.The strategy of the Russian army can be explained by the belief that thenature of war has changed and that the survival of the country is atstake, before that of its political and power system. The RussianGeneral Staff is aware. of the extent of the clash and therefore startsfrom this elementary observation: in the face of a Ukrainian populationreduced to less than 25 million present within the country and a ratiobetween men and women estimated at one to 5, Russia can have apopulation of 144 million in which to recruit the military forces to beused in the conflict that has changed its nature to the point that bothcontenders see their existence at stake. Therefore the war can only endwith the victory of one or the other, unless there is a massivediplomatic intervention by the international community, with the UnitedStates and China in first place, which appears unrealistic at themoment. So we have to fightup to the end and regardless of Putin: war has become a national issue.History according to PutinObservers report that at the basis of Putin's work there is nostalgiafor the tsarist empire, his aversion to Wladimir Lenin, seen as thetraitor of Russia who prepared its dissolution, asking for the right ofsecession to be included in the Constitution of the Republics belongingto the Federation that had requested it and expressed their intention.Putin also attributes to Lenin the role of traitor to the Russianimperial dream and sees him as the architect of the request for thepeace of Brest-Litovsk, stipulated between Bolshevik Russia and theCentral Powers on March 3, 1918, in today's Belarus, which end ofRussian intervention in World War I.For Putin it was a decision taken in compliance with the agreementreached with the German general staff from which Lenin obtained theavailability of a railway carriage that would take him, together with asmall circle of revolutionaries from Switzerland, where he was in exile,through Germany up to Helsinki, from where he returned to Russia, whichin the meantime had arisen.Given that Lenin's relations with the German general staff arehistorically proven and that the commitment to accept a separate peacewas effectively taken, it must be said that this choice, if on the onehand closed the international contradiction constituted by the crisisopened by the war intervention of the various States in the imperialistwar and restricted the revolutionary capabilities in the rest of Europe,was important to save Russia and allow the Leninist vanguard to prevail,offering the people the much desired and requested peace and was at thesame time the occasion to theorize and buildthe premises to give life to the realization of socialism and then ofcommunism in a single country.Lenin was well aware of the counter-revolutionary attempts of the whitegenerals, financed by England, who from the south, starting right fromthe Ukraine, intended to go up Russia to defeat the revolution; hefeared them and let them be stopped in the area by the resistance of theMakhnovists who fought and defeated these generals, allied with the RedArmy, but he intended, by withdrawing from the conflict, to weaken theirwork, and contenting himself with dissuading Western governments fromintervening in support of the Tsar. In other words, the controversialrevolutionary role of Lenin certainly cannot be dismissed by thepro-tsarist and nostalgic positions of the neo-tsar Putin, nor by thoseof the equally reactionary Patriarch of Moscow, author and creator ofthe pan-Russian ideology which presides over the action of the despot ofthe Kremlin,of Soviet ideology and the great power policy of the Russian CommunistParty which made Russia an empire and a protagonist in world politics.It is also certainly true that, for instrumental reasons, Putin becomesthe spokesperson for the Russian imperial dream, however disguised on anideological level, because in reality he pursues the country's imperialdream and this to the complete detriment of the Russian people and theirposition within equal and collaborative relationships with other countries.based on respect for international law, brotherhood and peace among peoples.The underlying reasons for the conflictIf, leaving aside any ideological consideration, we start from thereconstruction of events to understand when it happened, there is nodoubt that Russia is the invading country and there are no doubts abouthow the war started or at least how it started if we assume thebeginning of the phase starting from the entry of Russian troops intoUkraine.There is no doubt, and it can be seen by everyone, except Paolo Mieli,that the war began well before, i.e. in 2014, when, parallel to therecovery of Crimea by the Russians, the revolt began in the oblasts ofDonbas, hit by the economic and social crisis due to the progressivedeterioration of the Ukrainian economic situation.It is no coincidence that we have spoken of the recovery of Crimea byRussia because only since 1954, and for 38 years, this territory hasbeen part of the Ukrainian state, given that only in 1954 was ittransferred to the administration of Ukraine within the USSR for reasonsof greater administrative practicability for the management of theterritory. This means that there are well-founded reasons for believing,on the Russian side, that it is historically Russian territory. Not sodo the Ukrainians for whom the administrative borders existing at thefall of the USSR were assumed as the "historical" ones. Consequently,the right of secession by the individual republics applies to them,established in the Constitution of the USSR and exercised with thereconquest of independence in 1991.Russia to Ukraine as a result of World War II. This same way ofreasoning cannot instead be applied for the Ukrainians to theinhabitants of the territories of the oblast who had risen up againstthe Ukrainian government, claimed the same right of secession,historically envisaged for the territories that had requested it,rediscovering thetheir economic, social and historical ties with Russia!The world powers that participated in the meetings in Minsk were wellaware of this and had taken charge of exercising the right of secession.so much so that in two phases they had hypothesized a solution to theproblem through the granting of a large autonomy, which had neverhappened on the part of Kiev and through the holding of referendumsunder the control of international bodies. These facts, denied byPrigozhin, in order to support the deliberate aggression, criticize thearmy and Putin, were artfully believed to be true by Mieli, a historian,but in the best case scenario, ignorant, and dialectically used in badfaith with the primary objective of branding the pacifists like Putin,to support the shipment of arms as a priority and discredit negotiationas the only possible solution to war,A war against EuropeHonest journalists such as Bernardo Valli recall that well before thewar groups of international lobbyists belonging to arms manufacturersmet to support the policy of a significant part of US congressmen,collecting resources for this purpose for 50 million dollars in supportof the operation and it is known that an equally powerful lobby,officially constituted within the United States Congress, supported theneed to prevent the construction of Nord stream two at all costs.Il Sole 24 Ore reported on the maneuvers implemented in the WashingtonCongress by this lobby in the two-day issue preceding the start ofoperations in Ukraine.It is also no coincidence that the situation precipitated following theexit from the scene of Angela Merkel, who had been responsible for theconstruction of the infrastructures which were supposed to allow Europe,and above all German industry, to obtain supplies very low cost of oiland gas. The destruction of Nord Stream Two was also one of the priorityobjectives of Biden's electoral campaign, who considered this as apriority, so much so that he sent his talked-about son to Ukraine toconduct absolutely opaque business, such as those relating to thetesting of biological weapons and to establish relations with Ukrainianintelligence, in concert with the British secret service.These elements, all known, and which emerged in various opposing pressorgans are now confirmed, as is the sabotage operation by "unknown"people of this infrastructure, rendered useless in order to profoundlyand irreversibly change the lines of supply of energy to Europeanindustry in a very delicate phase of transformation and transition fromfossil energy to renewable energy, in the face of a simultaneousabandonment, especially in Germany, of nuclear energy.If it is true that the United States has invested in arms for Ukraine,to the full advantage of their war industry and it is also true that theUnited States has gained a lot from the sale of oil and liquefied gas toEuropean industry, reversing the flow of supplies energy, creating a newand more expensive dependency, producing an increase in the cost ofgoods produced in Europe and therefore increasing the competitiveness ofthose of the United States.These are the geo-strategic reasons that preside over the Ukrainianconflict, in addition to the one wanted and stubbornly pursued by theNATO relaunch arms industry which (remember Macron's definition oforganization in agony) was deemed no longer necessary and underliquidation. Today the war industry thanksthe war in Ukraine is experiencing a new golden age not only due to thegrowing need for ammunition, but also due to the need to rebuild stocksand the effects that German rearmament will have on the production ofweapons, destined to change the geo- strategies and policies of Europe.Another country to benefit from the operation is England whichcultivates its dream of rebuilding the empire, completely unrealisticand catastrophic from an economic point of view, as demonstrated by therecent performance of the British economy. The British Conservativesderive from this operation the ultimate and coveted effects of Brexit bycultivating their other great objective which is to support theirindependence in the face and only on condition of splitting thecontinent, preventing its unity,A multipolar world of platesBut if the devil makes the clocks he doesn't make the lids and theresult of this operation is not the probable destabilization of Russia,but rather, as we will see, it has created the premises for itsrestructuring in the context of a new set-up of international relations,characterized by a world of plates, multipolar, where there aredifferent actors who aspire to be the center of independent autonomouspowers, thanks to access to energy, nuclear weapons as deterrence andstrong in an area of economic and geo-strategic domination destined tochange the order of the world and to put an end to the domination of theUnited States in the future.In fact, there is a strengthening of the bloc of the BRICS countries,which not by chance are giving themselves their own bank, their ownrules for economic and commercial exchanges which exclude the dollar andthe euro and resort to the priority use of national currencies, in thecontext of a reciprocal compensation mechanism under construction,intended tosupplant the dominance of the dollar and thus to eliminate thepositional rent of the United States. At the same time, the number ofcountries requesting to join in different forms, but converging on thebloc of BRICS countries, whose role is growing, is growing, as evidencedby their siding on the war in Ukraine within the UN assembly .In conclusionRemaining within the scope of this analysis and narrowing our attentionto what is happening in Russia, we note that the consequences of therise of the Wagner militia to power will inevitably lead the Russianpolitical regime to a profound restructuring, both militarily andeconomically and politically. .On the military level, the effects of the decree of 1 July whichestablished the passage under the control of the army in all militiasand private armies will end up by attributing to the regular army agreater political role within the state, but also allowing it in thefield the reconstruction of the unity of command of operations or atleast the attempt of this, focusing on the possibility of generalmobilization consequent to the patriotic alarm stimulated in Russia notby the Putin crisis, but by the danger of dissolution that the Statemust face and which historically it has pushed the Russian population togather around the ruler of the moment, without calling him intoquestion, as happened in the time of Stalin, thanks to the commitment inthe Second World War and the Nazi aggression of the country.We don't know if this attempt will be successful or what consequences itwill have on the Ukrainian war, but we are quite certain that when it iscoming it will contribute toprolong it, to make it deeper because the very fate of Russia, of itsunity, of the army, of its generals and of the interests is played outon its results, expressed by the economic and power group that revolvesaround the arms industry and which cannot do without Russian militarymight in the world. The movement of the Wagner to Belarus, even if itwill not be used on the battlefield, still represents a security problemfor the Ukrainian front and forces this country to move troops to theBelarusian border to guarantee any surprise, thus weakening the easternfront, while the fortifications erected by the Russian army in theoccupied territories in recent months seem to show the possibility ofcontaining the effects of a Ukrainian offensive while waiting for themilitary mobilization to be extended to the whole country, and that thegradual training and deployment of new troops on the field can, even ifwith the sacrifice of many, many dead, overturn and determine the fateof the conflict.At the same time, operations through Russia-based militias will continueon various world chessboards to ensure Russian political penetration indifferent countries. Ultimately this strategy relies on the fact thateverywhere there is a need for watchdogs of the various regimes inexchange for the exploitation of poor and weak countries, endowed with anational bourgeoisie ready to sell itself to the highest bidder,offering the resources of its country in exchange of power and profit.All this tells us that a solution to the war in Ukraine is yet to comeand is receding in time, while the destruction of the Ukrainian peoplegrows as does the massacre of the Russian people, both prisoners of twounscrupulous oligarchies, interested in power, cloaked in ideologiesnationalists, formally in defense of the nation, but in reality agentsof death who operate on the market, in search of better profits, withoutcaring about the mourning and the ruins they sow but rather who licktheir lips waiting to savor the fruits of destruction of resources, ofmen and women, of infrastructures, and of everything that serves to makelife better, regardless of the destruction of the environment, of theplanet, of the loss of precious resources to feed life in a materialsense and the future possibilities of humanity.The editorial staffhttp://www.ucadi.org/2023/07/10/riflessioni-intorno-alla-guerra-in-ucraina/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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