WORLD WORLDWIDE ITALY GIORGIA News Journal Update - (en) Italy, FDCA: Crazy for Giorgia? by Orange Themes (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Almost a year of government, and against the predictions of most, the

stability of this government is resisting, and has indeed gained, if not
consensus, credibility at an international level. ---- An iron
Atlanticist loyalty overshadows the various government gaffes, the
economic improvisation with which the PNRR has been managed so far, but,
above all, the construction and strengthening of a European, racist and
misogynistic ultra-right , hitherto limited to the former Visegrad area
(countries, it should not be forgotten, at the forefront of the war
against Russia with an important role within the NATO-led European
rearmament), which risks finding, in this Europe in fragments, full
legitimacy at European level.

Attributing to this government and its prime minister the category of
classic fascism may seem simplistic and incorrect at the
historiographical level (especially when those political subjects who
have pursued similar policies of neoliberalism and privatization, as
well as alignment with NATO dictates, cry out for anti-fascism led by
the USA), but the heralded ideological continuity is evident, and
practiced on every useful occasion. Also because the authoritarian drift
of this country has undergone a worrying acceleration.

The concentration of political power in the hands of the executive, the
downsizing of the judiciary, the occupation, beyond the spoil system, of
the ganglia of administrative power, the desertification in RAI and the
control of the media, the nonchalance in use of decrees to resolve small
daily quarrels with personalistic rules, even the management of
emergencies such as the floods in Emilia Romagna draw the government of
a single man, pardon of a single woman, who proves not at all willing to
waste time with a normal democratic dialectic, in which, moreover,
interlocutors capable of asserting themselves do not shine.

And so far all government operations, almost a year after taking office,
have proved to be in favor of a part of the social bloc that supports
Giorgia Meloni, which is not only funded through the tax mechanism but,
by lightening all the authorization procedures, favors the use of
capital and investments in the odor of the mafia. This is nothing new,
if not for the harshness and determination with which the application of
this neoliberal perspective, which has been in force throughout Europe
for some time, is being pursued.

The trend was already seen from the first decree, the one on Rave, which
once converted into law also saw the inclusion of a reduction in crimes
against the public administration (extortion and embezzlement) which are
canceled from the list of those which precluded the granting of prison
benefits in the absence of collaboration with justice. Then came the
Cutro decree, which, in the name of one of the most serious massacres in
the Mediterranean (of which the political matrix and the order not to
intervene is now certain), further played down the migration policy:
shouting " let's punish the smugglers", and while the state mafias of
countries such as Libya and Tunisia continue to finance the role of
sheriffs of the sea, the umpteenth tightening on the human rights of
migrants, with the reduction of the conditions for the recognition of
special and integration tools, from language courses to legal
protection, the elimination of the convertibility of residence permits
for disasters or health reasons into work permits and the strengthening
of tools related to forced repatriation, among the most inhumane practices.

Another important lunge is the one on civil rights, with the war on
rainbow families and the evident bad faith of indicating procreation for
other universal crimes, but in fact prosecutable only for homosexual
couples, while for the majority of users of this practice, classically
heterosexual couples , in the absence of evidence this rule will never
be applied.

For years, the red-brown vulgate has tried to contrast civil rights with
social rights: those who have maintained for years that defending civil
rights meant giving up on collective rights immediately had to change
their mind: this government does not choose, it restricts spaces of
freedom wherever it happens. And he has no problem waving the weapon of
injunction for strikes called even in compliance with the already tight
regulatory framework.

And meanwhile the war on the poor, rather than on poverty, continues
unceasingly: the minimum wage, a topic of discussion on talk-shows but
not in parliament, is postponed in pilates fashion to the CNEL, and cash
is raised by replacing the citizen's income with the promise of an
inclusion check that restricts both the beneficiaries and the amount
disbursed. In the face of the now manifest social crisis, the
multiplication of bonuses will not be enough, buffer measures such as
the temporary cut in the tax wedge, continuing to avoid seriously
tackling the enormous problem of compressing the purchasing power of
male and female workers, counting on delegitimization of the union. Also
because the social attack is on an international scale, and at least on
a European scale a response must be constructed, which cannot continue
to be ritual.

And if the war remains in the background of denied information (think of
Italy's role in the conflict that has just begun in Niger) and has done
and continues to do its part in the functional reorganization of
international economic scenarios and agreements , primarily by
redesigning the energy scenarios, the environmental crisis is now
heavily affecting our lives, even in the face of the evident failure of
international climate agreements. The season of mobilization that is
being prepared, that must be prepared, must emerge from the dynamics of
subordination that have characterized us up to now, and can be neither
national nor sectoral.

It must try to connect all fronts of action, from the trade union front
which is taking its first steps at the European level, to that for
social justice, for income and the right to live, to that for climate
justice and the free circulation of people, to fighting a creeping
fascism that rewrites history and tries to grade our rights according to
where we come from and our choices of life and expression, whether women
and queer, to the opposition to a war that drops missiles away from us
but it also has very serious consequences on our present.

A mobilization that must use the international dimension proposed,
starting from 13 October, to broaden the basis of participation of the
unionized sectors, to give visibility to a social opposition that goes
beyond acronyms, which unites the demands linked to income and working
hours to social, climate and civil rights. We need to decline
solidarity, build direct action, promote mutualism, expand forms of
political viability, without making hierarchies between struggles, but
recognizing the parts of a collective framework that draws a possible
way out of the abyss that this government, and the next ones, like the
precedents, are preparing us.

To do this, it is not enough to mobilize the trade union structures or
cadres, but it is necessary to do one's part from the bottom up, without
proxies, to organize oneself in the territories, starting from the
workplaces, where we are, but also from the squares in front of the
police headquarters or prefectures, work to the development of possible
spaces for struggle, and horizontally on the federation and
recomposition of struggles. Using and adopting all the requests, calls,
mobilizations called, to give birth and strengthen a real opposition
movement, promote its development both quantitatively, always trying to
widen the spaces for participation and make them grow in mass movements,
and qualitatively , of analysis, historical memory, skills and praxis.

As libertarian militants of anarchist communism, we will give our
contribution to this.

http://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/blog/2023/08/24/tutti-pazzi-per-giorgia/
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