WORLD WORLDWIDE ITALY News Journal Update - (en) Italy, UCADI, #175 - Social right (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Enemies of complexity consider the social right an oxymoron and in doing

so fail to understand one of the causes of the crisis of the left and of
its very existence. The history of the development of political thought
in the 1900s is actually more complex than commonly believed, and this
is because the intersections between its various ideological components
and social and political demands are greater than one can imagine by
schematically looking at the political positions between the right and
left of the deployments . This is also because the vision that the
social right has of the future society and of the political and social
order it wants to build arises from the sharing of elaborations of other
doctrines, revised and reinterpreted in the light of some basic concepts
such as that of nation, of people, of homeland.
Turning attention to what is defined as the social right, it should be
remembered that it represents the set of political beliefs and doctrines
which, in the context of the right and its most extreme vision of the
ideal society, should combine social justice with traditional values,
(thus organically assimilating the nineteenth-century Catholic social
doctrine, fully expressed in Rerum Novarum and in the subsequent
encyclicals of the pontifical magisterium on work), primarily aimed at
countering socialist and anarchist theories aimed at building communism
and a society in which the principle "ad each according to his needs.
The Catholic vision of a world made up of small businesses where the
relationship between bosses and workers is familiar and collaborative is
bonded with influences from socialist thought which suggest references
to a wider world which is that of large factories which allows us to
hypothesize references to corporations of trade, to the function of the
single union, to the role of social insurance.
This social vision is linked to the need to maintain the hierarchy of
society, advocating the creation of an organic structure of the
relationship between classes and social classes, and making the nation
the context in which the different components of society develop element
of cohesion which should allow for an organic development, identifying
in Anglo-Saxon communitarianism and corporatism the elements which form
the glue of society. In other words, nationalism and the cult of the
fatherland have a central role in this political construction as it is
believed that these concepts cannot be disregarded since the interest of
the nation and of the fatherland constitute the coagulation point
through which identity values and of tradition combine with each other (God,
Therefore the social right takes a third position between capitalism and
socialism and rejects the market economy, typical of economic
liberalism, to which it opposes the socialization of the economy,
proposing a post-Keynesian economic vision, based on corporatism,
self-sufficiency of the productive structure, on overcoming
globalization; it shares environmentalism, the protection of nature,
organic food, thus linking itself with many of the aspects of what in
our analysis of the tendencies of capitalism, especially in Europe, we
have defined as neo-curtency economy.
Placing it in this context, the social right does not disdain to resort
to state intervention in the economy, in favor of the disadvantaged
classes, in order to smooth out economic differences through a defined
path of socialization. To achieve these objectives, the social right has
recourse to communitarianism, understood as being rooted "... in a
social and cultural horizon perceived as a common, plural and
significant horizon. Community is whoever assigns value to identity,
provenance, therefore to origin, and to the ways that lead to the roots,
such as traditions.
Community is whoever assigns value to the social, religious, family,
national bond, which does not live as a bond but as a resource. A
communitarian is someone who believes that every ego has an original or
chosen place, which he perceives as a homeland. Finally, the community
is the one who assigns importance to the common feeling, to the rites,
customs and traditions of a people". (Thus a theorist of the new right
Marcello Veneziani).
The migrant is obviously excluded from such a society, as a bearer of
different traditions and customs, as a stranger to the national
community, its history, its experience, its values. The growth of
migrants in a society is opposed because it implements that ethnic
substitution that the whole right attributes to the project represented
today by Soros but historically known as the "Kalergi plan", which would
consist of an incentive plan for African immigration and towards Europe
in order to replace its populations (See: Richard Nikolaus of
Coudenhove-Kalergi, 1894-1972).
On the social level, the traditional vision of society leads the social
right to defend the values of the traditional family, to valorise
intermediate bodies (associations, political groups, professional
orders, local communities) and to propose choices of an economic and
social nature based on the principles of participation and solidarity,
which however take into account the professional class position of the
various classes involved and this because it believes that the
individual is formed and fully realized in the context of the life of
relationships that develops in the context of popular culture and the
community local and national that makes these values its own and shared.
In terms of international politics, the social right does not disdain to
take anti-American, anti-Zionist and Islamophobic, but pro-Palestinian
positions, intending by this to oppose both Zionism and Islamism at the
same time, but at the same time supporting the right of the Palestinians
to their own homeland and to one's own nation. The ambition to
strengthen national pride pushes the social right towards
anti-Americanism, understood as independence from the American ally and
therefore it is induced to oppose the intervention of Western countries
in the Ukrainian war, emphasizing the American and British interests in
the development of the conflict and not disdaining to support Putin's
nationalism to whose values she feels close.

Social right and government right

Defining the relationship between the social right and the governing
right is today of essential importance in order to understand how the
country's turn to the right threatens to consolidate and allow the right
to remain hegemonic for a long time, in the face of a left incapable of
any opposition in terms of both political and social. In order to
govern, the alliance between the Brothers of Italy, the League and Forza
Italia, had to assume the guise of a moderate and institutional right,
ready to conform to capital and the needs of the market. She had to
accept that the Draghi government that preceded her drew a rigid and
defined economic framework, binary balances within which to move,
restricting cash availability and the possibility of maneuvering on
available resources, The conditioning of the European Union did the rest
and forced the government in office to conform to the political lines of
Brussels in order to find the political space to survive: hence Meloni's
strategy of climbing the European Commission, taking advantage of the
expiry of the next European elections, seen as an opportunity for a
change in the composition of the majority which determines the
appointment of the Commission. Hence the prime minister's great
commitment to foreign policy, which is almost exclusively dedicated to
these aspects of government, effectively reducing the foreign minister,
also an ally and deputy prime minister on paper, to a puppet who
assists, like a dachshund as an old lady, to the overflowing activism of
the premier.
But to implement this policy of hers, the premier had to abandon those
pale reminiscences of the social right that still pervaded her work,
when it thundered from the opposition benches and go so far as to become
Biden's pet, a position plastically represented in the photos that they
immortalized her next to the US president. And it wasn't just a
rhetorical image because on a political level the premier promotes Italy
as a subagent of the United States for Africa, setting himself up as the
heir of French colonial policy, with the result that the chickens in the
henhouse of international politics they are having a lot of laughs to
see the Italian melonian projected to conquer Africa in the name of the
fight against smugglers,
This choice of foreign policy has led to a rigid and subordinate
Atlanticism, with an approach to the Ukrainian problem closer to that of
England, a well-known war-mongering country, than to Europe, with the
result of weakening the continent's already weak foreign policy. This
shift by Meloni to positions on the liberal right may have left a space
uncovered to her right in which an old comrade of hers, Gianni Alemanno,
is trying to insinuate herself, planning the birth of a new political
formation that should combine a potentially existing consensus in the
electorate of the right, fueled by a total inability of the left to
represent exploited classes and classes, the disinherited, the excluded,
those who are victims of the suppression of the basic income and of the
new provisions of the old regime such as that of the poverty bonus.
Obviously, the social right intends to carry out this task, selecting
the disinherited and clearly distinguishing between the native ones,
with Italian citizenship, and the migrants towards whom the repressive
and marginalization policy is supported which, moreover, the right in
government is not totally capable to ensure that,

A party for the social right

On 31 July the 'Italian Independence Forum' was held in Orvieto with the
participation of 38 acronyms of the social right and right-wing dissent
circles; organizations such as; Casa Pound Italia, Forza Nuova, Fronte
Nazionale, Fascism and Freedom Movement, National Socialist Party,
National Idea Movement, Tricolor Flame Social Movement, Student Block,
Student Action, Student Struggle, to name a few acronyms that represent
organizations of some size, launching their common political program
contained in the so-called "Orvieto manifesto" differentiated, defense
of citizens' income recipients, proximity to the weakest sections of the
population, support for the request for a minimum wage and so on.
It is quite clear that the new political formation assumes that it has
large prairies to conquer given the total or almost total absence of
initiatives from the left and not only from the reformist one, but also
from the revolutionary and antagonistic one, which has long since lost
its habit of dealing with the real problems of the not even well-off,
organizes the struggles for wages, for housing, for health care, for
social assistance with ever greater effort and is less and less able to
intervene in situations of severe hardship most numerous in the country.
At the same time, initiatives in support of migrants, against the
exploitation of undeclared and precarious work, support for factory
struggles, logistics, the poorest and most disadvantaged sections of the
workforce, the growing precariousness,
In these contradictions, the new right-wing political formation intends
to enter forcefully by contesting the government in words but in deeds,
taking away space from the left-wing opposition, unable to carry out its
tasks of opposing the country's fascist government.

The editorial staff

  http://www.ucadi.org/2023/08/18/destra-sociale/
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