Resume the mobilisation, regroup the forces, build a large articulated
strike for the category and the entire public sector supported by allthe categories. ---- Without a general mobilization initiated,widespread and supported by the entire union, we will find ourselvesfacing the contractual renewal of the education sector for thethree-year period expiring 22/24 with blunt arrows and low morale. ----At this moment it was expected that the FLC, the trade union of theCGIL, would open the conflict without waiting for the decisions of theConfederation-CGIL, which beyond the proclamations is also extinguishingthe impetus and willingness to mobilize that had manifested itself onOctober 7th. It will probably take place between November 17th andDecember 23rd. The risk is really running out of time to apply pressureand obtain at least sufficient resources for the current amount ofspending. Furthermore, it would be a sign of submissive compliance withgovernment policies.This would naturally translate into new cuts, overt or disguised asfurther precariousness and intensification of work, with the same numberof personnel. In the new Nadef (Update note of the economics and financedocument) there are only 3 billion (only for healthcare at the moment)which are 10% of the resources necessary for the renewal of the entirepublic sector. We absolutely must overturn the balance of power in alarge sector but with very low widespread combativeness, with sporadicadvanced points but incapable of arriving at a synthesis, except in raremoments, a common characteristic of all public workers.Instead of hastily closing the draft for the contract renewal, it wouldhave been appropriate to relaunch the mobilization earlier in the faceof an already weakened negotiation.The weakening is due to having accepted 95% of the advance on arrears inDecember '22, and to having accepted that some matters relating to theregulation of new working figures have been postponed to a subsequentcontractual sequence; rather it was necessary to postpone the closureand condition it on the allocation of resources in the DEF. Instead, wewanted to close by also starting the regulatory reorganization, whichstill presents many lights and shadows, to relaunch the strugglesafterwards, also waiting for the confederation's trumpet blast to setout to the rescue. It is never a good idea to close lower and startagain with more strength later; the adversary, the counterpart measuresour reactivity constantly. So much so that one of the first proposalsfor the new three-year period, after having granted small discountvouchers, is to try again with the advance of the arrears, buying theworkers of the category with a "mini thirteenth" before Christmas. Thusmoving the task of establishing and negotiating increases fromcontractual to legislative matters, with the consequent weakening of theunion.In the next round of meetings with workers from schools anduniversities, and in all institutions, we will have to discuss, amongthe items on the agenda, the approval or otherwise of the draftcontractual platform.The alternative trade union area in CGIL - Le Radici de Sindacato -voted against. The contract in fact turned out to be negative, becausenot only does it not recover the level of cumulative inflation over thethree-year period which is expected to be 18%, it does not even recoverthe level required in the first instance to fill and equalize the samelevels of public administration for the school.The actual increase is just under 5% for 1,200,000 school workers, andjust above for universities, while for MUR bodies, over 10%. We hadforeseen that the attack on the sector would deliberately attempt toundermine its unity (school, university, research). In fact there is adifferentiated increase in our category, in which the higher levelsreceive more than the lower ones: in this way the range of inequalitiesfurther widens.We are witnessing a phase where the entire public sector is profoundlyattacked along various lines of action: first, the constant defunding inthe face of a weakening of the workers' bargaining and demanding power;secondly, with the shift of issues of order and contractual matterstowards third party elements or towards see CNEL on the issue of theminimum hourly wage. It is as if the Government were constantly removingresponsibility for its actions.There is no money, CNEL told us, which instead should take the politicaldecision to find it, perhaps proposing the complete opposite of flattaxation (The flat tax is anti-democratic, it favors the rich, it favorsgeneral decontribution and disengagement social. The political solutionwould be to propose progressive multi-level taxation and propertytaxation). Or even and even better, it should progressively reduce theoverall volume of expenditure for the land warfare commitment.We are faced with a government that blatantly pretends to want to servethe interests of certain categories - the public - in reality using asmoke screen to cover the real intentions. Private workers, on the otherhand, are completely abandoned in the hands of companies, abundantlyhelped as before and more than before. The public sector, especially theeducation sector, is constantly apparently cajoled by a minister whoacts as a repeater of neoliberal ideology. What he really cares about isa classist school, of merit, of excellence, in which professionalinstitutes become the training department of companies, and high schoolsthe ideological sector of the nation, in words, of colonialistimperialism in deed.Capitalism can do very well without a unitary nation-state. Our dilemma- whether to defend the state, the nation or the class - should be easyenough to resolve: always defend the workers, bring them to thenecessary level of consciousness so that they can see clearly what theirinterests and rights are, ensure that they take the reins of their ownself-defense and self-organization into their own hands. But thesituation becomes complicated if workers believe that regionalization onthe Northern League confederal state model brings immediate benefits incontractual conditions. The regionalization of twenty health systems isthere for all to see. And the damage they have caused on the adequatelevel of performance is evident.We are experiencing a genetic mutation of Italian society, withDifferentiated Autonomy, it is implementing a real secession of the richfrom the poor, a real war on the poor, a reduction in the right toeducation, the right to treatment, to healthcare, of rights social toutcourt...Yet we should also reflect on the change of direction in the strategy ofthe political left regarding local autonomies - the flagship, oncesynonymous with democracy from below - now exactly the opposite:apartheid of the rich regions against the poor, of the capitals againstthe province, of urban centers compared to the suburbs.Historical materialism teaches: we live in the era of the historicaldefeat of the workers' movement. In the era of unbridled liberalism,worshiper of the market fetish: words change their sign, sense and meaning.The workers' movement also disappeared from the horizon as a politicalsubject, starting from the 1980s and then with an acceleration from themid-1990s and above all from the Treu package onwards which introducedall sorts of atypical and flexible work which with the Reform Biagiarrived at 46 contract types.You can do all the self-criticism and analysis you want, one factremains: one defeat after another. Here is the loss of credibility andhere is the hemorrhaging of consensus and delegations.The culminating phase of the liberalist ordeal has now begun, thanksalso to the PNRR, i.e. the largest machine for downsizing andredistributing public spending to the detriment of health and education,and always in favor of business and never of workers.We must hold firm and build a permanent mobilization.To win something, we absolutely have to win something again.Let us then prepare ourselves for a long-term struggle.Let's build a sector strike.Initially it seemed that we wanted to do two, however one category inpreparation for a general strike can already be a challenge. It seemsthat the CGIL no longer has confidence in its organizational abilities.Luckily there was October 7th, which brought back some enthusiasm. Thestrike is certainly not enough, not in the way we inflicted on ourselvesby accepting law 146/90.And in our sectors the doubt remains legitimate that a day of strike, ifnot accompanied by adequate mobilization, is still of little use. Thisis not the case, but this is the perception.We must therefore bear in mind the fact that we are not sprinters, butmarathon runners and we must run in a very different way.We absolutely need to change our modus operandi.We must substantiate and support the mobilization with moments ofcontinuous training.To give continuity to our trade union action, we must provide trainingfor all delegates and simple members, not generic training, but ratherproduce real moments of national training on wages, prices, profits,inflation, what direct, indirect and deferred wages are. .We must at least recover the 18% of cumulative inflation in the expiringthree-year period. Further training on working conditions,precariousness, contracts, bargaining and how to relaunch it. On peace,antimilitarism and how to overcome the economic conditions that generatewars.How to overcome the contradictions that generate exploitation andoppression at work, but also colonialist oppression.We must re-learn how to use an ideological compass.And last but not least, we must implement paths for inclusive,progressive and egalitarian teaching: a non-authoritarian, democraticand horizontal pedagogy.We must revive pedagogical activism as one of the precious levers withwhich to counteract the neoliberal drift. Ideology in which thetheorists edit semi-annual and quarterly bulletins (see 3Elle Agency andAgnelli Foundation).We must also use an archimedical lever to reawaken trade union militancybased on pedagogical activism, transversally applied across disciplines.It is a time for reflection but also for action on how we transmitcontent and what kind.It is necessary to dismantle common sense one piece at a time, "sweepaway the superficiality and radicality of evil" (paraphrasing Arendt),teach History away from simplifications, teach Literature by clarifyingthe social role of artists and intellectuals, and to follow in alldisciplines; in short, it is necessary to reclaim our theoreticalarsenal, historical materialism, critical materialism.We must establish constant relationships with student associations andsupport their struggles, be coherent and credible for students,colleagues, all staff, that is, be points of reference.Aware of the fact that we teachers, we knowledge workers, due to thesocial nature of our "middle class" either position ourselves as thevanguard of the new world that will come, i.e. egalitarian, inclusive,or we are and will be condemned to a role of ancillary rearguard ofReaction and Reactionary Culture.Furthermore, we are "bought" by the government with discount vouchers:we need to win something more than a discount on the train or an advanceon arrears that sink negotiations!On May 1, 1919, in the first issue of the magazine "L'Ordine Nuovo",Antonio Gramsci indicated a fundamental passage in the history ofrevolutionary movements:Construction site no. 21 November 2023 ilcantiere@autistici.orghttp://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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