The peculiarities of Jewish trade unionism that developed in Palestinestarting from 1910, as a forerunner of the non-existent State of Israel,are therefore identifiable in a sort of pan-syndicalism with anethnic-confessional and identity basis, the result of theself-organisation of the class of workers and peasants, based on theprinciples of solidarity, on the antagonistic culture, on the politicalcapacity of the subordinate classes. This social formation constitutedthe founding basis of a social structure, the founding nucleus of thegovernment infrastructure which gradually evolved, merging with theliberal and bourgeois vision of society, dominated by exploitation andthe market, gradually causing the attempt to build a new society inwhich the State could be managed through forms of participatorydemocracy of an assembly nature.In this peculiar context it was the union that replaced the State,taking on its tasks, sharing and distributing the goods produced,without totally rejecting the institutions of representative democracyand delegation, replaced and partly supported by forms ofself-government of the producers which through participatory bodiesestablished in the workplace took decisions and transmitted the choicesto bodies made up of revocable delegates of the basic structures. It wasa hybrid form of management of the company in transition, waiting forthe conditions of greater stability and full jurisdiction of all theassociated companies to be created over the territories they occupied.The intensification of persecutions against Judaism, the growinganti-Semitism not only in Germany, but throughout Europe, the Schoah ,fueling the exodus towards Palestine in an increasing way, will furthercondition the political processes we have just described, accentuatingtheir ethnic-confessional characterization, consolidating its structureand resulting in the construction of a new State.This singular institutional and organizational situation, whichcharacterized the Jewish presence in Palestine in the second twentyyears of the last century, still left profound traces even when itunderwent a further and definitive transformation with the victory ofthe Zionist forces in the military conflict against the Arab ones,conducted mainly in the first phase through terrorist actions that ledto the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948.This way of developing the form of State and government which, at theend of its journey, re-founded the identity of a nation, will leave itstraces in the institutional structure of the new State which, notsurprisingly, will not give itself a Constitution according to traditioncontinental Europe, but will prefer to adopt a form of government which,by assigning a particular role to the Constitutional Court, will entrustthe judges to carry out, through a sort of delegated collective andpopular supervision, the control of the democratic balance of societyand its institutions, perhaps also drawing inspiration from role ofsages and prophets in Jewish tradition.The gradual nature of the process just described, its development over afairly long period of time, sowed many perplexities and uncertainties inthe judgment that the actors in this process themselves gave of whathappened to themselves and their contemporaries did the same, especiallyof those who participated to this experience, with enthusiasm and hope.In fact, in the first phase of construction of the basic structures ofthe trade union movement, that is, of the establishment of the kibbuz,the enthusiasm was very strong because those who participated seemed tosee their ideals of equality and brotherhood, of fair distribution ofresources, even because there were many experiences of collective life:look - for example - at the putting into practice of the most advancedlibertarian pedagogical experience, represented by the education ofchildren within the kibbuz, where they were and are still partly inducedto living in common, cared for by educators, freed on an educationallevel from families and the family relationship, constituting a smallautonomous community that experimented in its life habits with thecommunity relationship in the construction of choices and decisions,forming its own supportive personality, accumulating experiences ofinterpersonal relationships that went beyond individualism and promotedcollective relationships at the highest level of affective, emotionaland experiential interaction.The positive aspects of material and economic life, of collectiveparticipation in decisions, of experimentation with new interpersonalrelationships, constituted for a long time a formidable antidote to thedoubts and perplexities that restricting the experience to which onegave oneself to the ethnic and confessional sphere life, however theyspread among those who were part of the experiment, and helped toovercome doubts about the exclusion of the Arab component from theexperience, positively considering the aforementioned limits,reinterpreted as an additional condition of feasibility and feasibilityof the experiment. On the other hand, from a purely theoretical point ofview, a pan-syndicalist institutional structure was the order of the dayat the time and seeing it created, albeit in a particular version(ethnic-religious), certainly constituted a challenge accepted and won,which induced to hope that it was possible to find and implement newmodels of social management that are more respectful of the principlesof freedom, equality and social justice.[9]Undoubtedly at the beginning of the 1920s, it must have appeared to manyas a positive fact that it was possible, in the absence of a State thatprovided for this purpose, to find a way to manage education,healthcare, schools, regulate wages, organize public services, createinstitutional and collective participation moments through which choicesand decisions can be shared. Although by then it was increasingly clearto many that the direction of the experiment had passed into the handsof the right-wing component of Zionism, that the structures createdresponded to theeconomic centers of management of the experiment controlled by theholders of wealth within the Judaism, the distancing from thisexperience occurred very slowly, as happens with the end of a love, withthe passing away of a loved experience, with the very passage of time ofa human existence.The kibbutz movement, born with great momentum, on the other hand,transformed internally: the agricultural kibbutzim was joined by workerswho managed small or medium-sized companies and all types of activities.The growing hostility of the Palestinian Arabs introduced the functionof defense into the kibbutz to the point of influencing its very urbanconfiguration. Kibbutzim were born with the tower in the center thatmilitarily controlled the surroundings to prevent attacks of all kindsagainst its infrastructures; militias were formed within the kibbutz todefend the settlement, the conditions were laid to abolish thedifference between civilians and military, and kibbutzim exclusivelydedicated to military activity was created. Due to the territorialcontext in which the Jewish settlements operated, they had to extendtheir defense/offense activity to men and women who were perpetuallyarmed and mobilized, constituting an army of armed people. The gradualtransformations from the experiment changed its nature, to the pointthat the State born from the ashes of an experiment took on stronglibertarian characteristics of social organization. also due to theinternational situation, those of the imperialist state with a clearcapitalist imprint, linked to the interests of national andinternational capital.[9]If these are the original constitutive bases of the Kibbutzim, theirhistorical evolution would deserve a separate discussion. At present, agood part of them have long since been converted into something verydifferent from what they originally were. Having passed through thetransformations that affected the State of Israel, the profound economicchange that involved the entire society, between the Seventies andEighties, was decisive in accelerating the involution of experience.https://www.ucadi.org/2023/11/05/i-comunisti-anarchici-la-questione-ebraica-e-quella-palestinese/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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