As we all, or almost all, know, Thomask Kuhn, in his fundamental work
"The structure of scientific revolutions"[1]subjected to strong revisionthe idea that science works to innovate, when instead what it normallydoes is to consolidate knowledge already known. ---- What instead forcesscience to turn towards new paths is the paradigm shift, that is, whenthe beliefs, motivations and explanations that gave rise to a specificinterpretative course are no longer able to support the changedconditions of reality . ---- The long monopolar period ends leavingbehind the same blood trail as its beginning. A characteristic of ourtime is the speed with which events follow one another. And, if in thepre-modern world the duration of empires was measured in centuries, nowwe have moved on to decades.In the great talk about multipolarism, one thing is often silent. Thetransition from one phase to another, the paradigm shift, is never apainless process.After all, it is absolutely difficult to understand, being inside it,the characteristics of an era. We can see them, when things are goingwell, only when that phase is completely over. But what we can say, atpresent, is that we are certainly on a path of structural changes whosehorizon is still absolutely unknown.Some questions, however, seem to emerge in the systematic chaos[2]inwhich we have been immersed for a long time now.1. War as a solution to internal and external problems and as normalityIt is good to be clear, it is not that conflicts were lacking in theperiod 1945-1989, but, with their usual crudeness and violence, theywere in a sort of "other" world[3], which did not affect the West, inparticularly Europe. In short, as had already happened in the nineteenthcentury, a kind of optical illusion mistook for "peace" what was an"externalization" of war. However, within European countries,particularly in Italy, the word still remained taboo. The wounds of thesecond conflict, of the massacres, of the partisan war are too close.Leaving aside the low intensity war fought in Italy with the sound ofbombs (the so-called "strategy of tension") there was however arepulsion and an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist spirit which wasnot the repudiation of violence or "love for peace", but a feeling thatis difficult to explain today and which coincided with a passionatereading of the art. 11 of the Constitution. Certainly, in a climate thatwas certainly not pacified, the ruling classes refrained fromcelebrating or taking part in any war around the world. The stuffy newsprograms, which at the time seemed unbearable to us, when seen from adistance seem to be something completely different. Those that remain inmind, at most, are the Italian troops in Lebanon in the peacekeepingmission in 1982.After the fall of the Berlin Wall everything changes. Just 2 yearslater, Italy also embarked on that dress rehearsal of the unipolarworld. Iraq raised and armed by the USA (for which it fought a uselessand very bloody war in 1980) had dared to carry out autonomous action,invading a country shaped like a petrol station.Result: a disproportionate war with hundreds of thousands of civilianand military deaths, a modern country destroyed and set back centuries,and the usual narrative of the "new Hitler" that the press will nowembeddeb to use at every subsequent stage. The war returned through thewindow as "normality" with all its load of brazen propaganda,unthinkable until a few years earlier. Pandora's box had opened and itworked. The peace demonstrations, which in those years still broughtmany people to the streets, were in reality the last testimony of aworld that was about to disappear. Mocked, derided, accused of cowardiceand betrayal. The words of the twenty years of fascism, cleaned up andmade "democratic", returned to the hands of a "new" generation ofjournalists rotten to the core, information stars and well-paid loverssafe from the thrill and risk of others. If anything, when thesedemonstrations had exceeded the alert level, as in 2001, a veryferocious repression (which in the 1970s would have given rise to acivil war) would have been sufficient to shatter them.The affirmation of unipolarity, exactly as in totalitarian regimes,needed masses always excited to defend the Western and capitalist "wayof life": "democracy, freedom, elections, being able to say what youwant" (except questioning the economic system) against the bad guy whowanted to prevent us from choosing which credit card to use. A true"totalitarian-liberal" thought was solidified which, to tell the truth,turned the Enlightenment on its head, transforming it into fanaticism.We had to choose enemies who were suited to the task but who did notintimidate us too much. Like Saddam Hussein, Milosevic, the Taliban. OhGod, the total US inability to deal with the guerrillas still put themand still puts them in serious difficulty. But in some cases, ratherthan wars, they were one-way massacres with or without the approval ofthe UN. For example, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, according to theprinciples of that strange thing called "international law", would havebeen a war crime. But who puts under investigation those who setthemselves up as judges and policemen? In that context, the actualmassacres of civilians were downgraded to "collateral effects", namelessdeaths of "potential terrorists" from childhood. It is true that even inVietnam the 3 million Vietnamese dead never had a face. In the empire ofgood only those who are good have a family.2. end of the first halfBut American unipolarity is marking time. Over the course of thesedecades of the glorification of the "best of all possible worlds", otherheads have risen to demand their place at the table, or, to take itaway. It is no longer a matter of third world nations to be intimidated,dictatorships to be condemned. Countries with billions of people,equipped with powerful armies, nuclear weapons and high-performanceeconomic systems play the same game inaugurated at the end of the 1970s:globalization and liberalism. With the addition of political structuresthat are authoritarian but attentive to cohesion, ferocious but capableof restoring national dignity (Russia) or of lifting a billion peopleout of poverty (China), or of starting to get rid of the Western breath(India). With the election of Trump we enter another phase.Globalization was fine as long as, so to speak, the rest of the worldwas good. With the appearance of new actors. Big actors. Things change.We say "enough". The problem is that "enough" is now completely out oftime. The extra-Western "players" are now well grown and not treatablelike the second-rate "bad guys" "punished" by the guardians of freedomin the world. The unipolar path, which now finds itself blocked by thepresence, above all, of China, has however continued its journey tryingto fit into Russia with the enclave of Ukraine. At this point, however,the adversary has proven not to be a twentieth-century by-product, but anuclear power, poised between East and West. That war, which has beenongoing for almost 2 years, has practically demonstrated that history isnot only over, but has clearly started to move forward again. In themeantime, however, the USA has achieved at least some results:extinguishing any ambitions of the European Union,now truly the American "cobbler", using the enormous increase in weaponsproduction as military Keynesianism (which, it seems, has worked). ButRussia has instead demonstrated that there is a camp opposed to the Westcapable of applying for world hegemony. And it is on this point that thefuture clash will take place.3. New paradigmsThese changes in scenario impose structural changes and these in turnlead to changes in the culture itself. 30 years of "just" wars("international police actions" "special operations") have deconstructedsensitivity, our sensitivity, so the dead, in their thousands, no longerseem to interest us. If you consider that the bodies of at least 30,000human beings lie in the Mediterranean Sea, who will never have a name, aburial, as if they had never existed, in substantial general,institutional and human indifference. If you think that in Iraq, inSyria, in Yemen, in Afghanistan, the deaths number in the millions,while the media organize 24-hour broadcasts on the life of 1 (one!)terminally ill child, what will the other part of the world think?? Forthe war in Ukraine the unified media counted bomb after bomb, making thestory of every single civilian death (but remaining silent on thehundreds of thousands of Ukrainian military deaths) while for themassacre or, rather "almost" genocide that the State of Israel iscommitting in Gaza the dead are faceless, nameless and without history.But, there is more: in the case of the massacre of the Palestinians, themainstream press, that is, the entire press, not only gives completelyunbalanced information, but inserts a very high level of propaganda intothe news it provides. Not only does he communicate, but he tries toconvince and train. The bourgeois press has always been like this, let'sbe clear, but this time there is something more significant. "We are onone side, war is no longer a taboo and we are willing to do anything todefend our world. Our values." At the same time, so-called soft powerhas made giant strides, every action, every thought, even the apparentlymost "revolutionary" one, is immediately subsumed, in real time, by theimmense media and cybernetic machine that grinds out trillions ofinformation in a continuous stream. There is no Specter to directeverything, there is absolutely no need. And the most advanced battlesare all fought on the edge of the superstructure completely detachedfrom the economic system, as if this were a state of nature. In thiscontext the old analyzes risk being blunt weapons. In post-postmodernity(i.e. in neomodernity) the society of the spectacle is able to accustomeveryone to indifference and acceptance (the famous "resilience" not"resistance") while still pushing the cart of a finished "Americandream" ( assuming there ever was) for at least 30 years. But neverbefore have inequalities appeared gigantic as in this period. Probablythe West, whatever it is or has been, is passing the buck. How this canhappen will be known to posterity.[1]T.Kuhn, The structure of scientific revolutions, Einaudi, 2009 (1sted. Or. 1962) It should be kept in mind that Kuhn would not have agreedwith our use of his study for uses outside the scientific world.However, his hypotheses at the time have found so much use in helping usunderstand the world around us that we consider this use not irreverentor impracticable, on the contrary.[2]https://www.lacittafutura.it/esteri/il-mondo-nell-abisso-del-caos-sistemico[3]The Korean War in which the loss of approximately 3 million humanlives is estimated is today completely forgotten. See G. Breccia, Korea.The forgotten war, Il Mulino, 2019.Andrea Belluccihttps://www.ucadi.org/2023/12/20/nuovi-paradigmi/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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