At the first light of dawn on January 1, 1994, the Zapatista Army ofhttps://www.sicilialibertaria.it/ _________________________________________ A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E By, For, and About Anarchists Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
National Liberation (EZLN) showed itself publicly for the first time. This rebel and dreamer army, after ten years of clandestinity in the heights of Chiapas, a state on the southern border of Mexico, finally comes out into the open. ---- The Mexican Army barracks present in the Chiapas area are understaffed. There are several soldiers on leave for the holidays; those who remained are still recovering from the after-effects of alcohol and a night of celebrations to welcome the new year. They are not ready when it all begins, and certainly many will not have believed the news. At the first light of dawn on January 1, 1994, over seven thousand indigenous people rose up, occupying the major centers of the state, such as San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, Comitán, Altamirano, and snatched from the hands of the landowners over 200,000 hectares of lands, to be redistributed to those who until then had only been able to cultivate the owner's land. Not everyone is armed, those who don't have a rifle resort to sticks, bows with arrows, slingshots. We realize very quickly that this is not a classic twentieth-century revolution, indeed perhaps it is (anticipating it) the first revolution of the new millennium. There are no faces but balaclavas; there are no names or personalities to exalt, the names take up the names of fallen comrades and comrades; they say they fight for the oppressed and want true national liberation, not the seizure of the palace of power in the capital. The watchword is autonomy. Another thing that appears clear about this insurrection is the practical proof that revolution is not an extemporaneous act of heroism, a "peak" in which to conquer everything immediately, but a process. An endless process, the Zapatista "walking asking", in which we always carry forward theory and practice together, trying and trying again, making mistakes, failing, getting back up. Many times SubComandante Marcos, spokesperson for the organization at the time of the insurrection and in the following years, spoke of how Zapatismo faces everything by imagining the worst possible hypothesis, and tries to build actions and reactions from that assumption. This is how it went on January 1st thirty years ago, the EZLN was ready for defeat, but such an extreme gesture was due to an extreme situation: five hundred years of oppression, violence, abuse, slavery. It was not a defeat, despite many tragic deaths (including the late SubComandante Pedro) and after twelve days of fighting, when the ceasefire was proclaimed (thanks to the pressure of Mexican and international public opinion), Zapatismo had a territory where put into practice what he had already been laboriously trying to develop for a few years. Zapatista autonomy is based on self-government and common ownership of the land: already in the first months of 1994, thirty autonomous Zapatista municipalities were founded, grouping within them the communities of the same region. To the community assemblies are therefore added the municipal assemblies and the municipal authorities, rotating positions of administrative management of the region pertaining to each municipality. The land is redistributed, distinguishing between lands of family use, assigned to each family for their sustenance, and lands of collective use, whose production was intended for the collective sustenance of the community or municipality. This model will develop for the following ten years until the introduction of a third level of autonomous government, that of the area, grouping together various municipalities. In fact, in 2003 the Comandancia General of the EZLN concluded the transfer of responsibility from the military to the civil administration. In each area, five initially, a Caracol is founded (literally snail, snail, to metaphorically recall the spiral, they are political-administrative management centers) and in each of them a Good Government Council begins to operate, the maximum expression of the Zapatista autonomous government . It is with the arrival of the good government councils that all the other fields of autonomy are harmonised, structuring and making the autonomous educational system, the health system more efficient (thanks to the fundamental help of many supportive doctors who accompanied the trial), the autonomous judicial system and the cooperative production system (colectivos). A profound analysis of the organization began in 2013, a self-criticism that encompasses all its spheres at three hundred and sixty degrees. SubComandante Marcos figuratively "dies," being reborn as SubComandante Galeano, taking the name of a Zapatista master murdered by paramilitaries. He is no longer even the spokesperson for the organization, this role has now passed to Sub-Comandante Moisés. This phase leads to a profound revision of the structure of autonomy, now being able to count on more than twenty years of "practical testing" which restores the awareness of what is going well and what can be improved. In 2019, to have greater capillarity in the territory (also due to the great growth of the organization, in terms of numbers and territorial extension), the zones go from five to twelve, as do the caracoles. This decade has seen the resurgence of paramilitary violence in Chiapas, the entry of the Narcos into previously marginal territories, the violence of the State in imposing major works harmful to the natural and social balance of the Mexican south-east, a pandemic, the evidence of climate change and the increase in extreme weather phenomena. The "storm", to paraphrase Zapatismo, what the EZLN has been talking about for years and what it is preparing to face. The capitalist storm, against which only a global alliance can cope, materialized in the "Declaration for life" of January 1, 2021, signed by hundreds of organizations worldwide and the foundation stone of the "Gira por la Vida", which saw its first chapter in Europe in the last three months of that same year. This decade, the third since the insurrection and the fourth since the birth of the organization in 1983, is the one that brings us to the present day, and it is the one that brought two great organizational innovations that bring the Zapatista organization into its fifth decade . It is precisely as this date approaches that the Zapatista organization decided to make public its transformations and, even more admirably, its failures. If until now the three levels of self-government rose from bottom to top, culminating in the Good Government Councils, now the pyramid has been overturned, putting the community, the first level, back at the centre. The councils and town halls were cancelled, and the assembly was put back at the center to the detriment of the rotating positions, which by their own admission were starting to "disconnect" from their community, thinking they could decide for it, rather than implement its proposals. Therefore, at the center there are now the Local Autonomous Governments (GAL), one in each community. The latter, in addition to administering their community, can bring common proposals to their region, in which the Zapatista Collective of Autonomous Governments (CGAZ) will meet, and to their area, in which the Assembly of Collectives of Autonomous Governments will meet Zapatistas (ACGAZ). The Caracoles remain the physical reference point for each area. The second big news announced in these days approaching the anniversary is the establishment of lands in which the principle of non-ownership applies. To be sure, in none of the Zapatista lands does the principle of ownership as understood by us apply: the lands assigned to families are still part of the community's lands, the family cannot dispose of them at will and it is not possible to sell or privatize them. The same obviously applies to collective lands, cultivated with voluntary work for the support of the entire community. This new typology of land, the third therefore, is based on the concept of being no man's land, and therefore automatically everyone's land, common. These lands want to be returned to the population without any distinction, including political affiliation. This means that they will be at the disposal of the Zapatista population as well as the non-Zapatista population. They will not be managed by any authority other than the people who live in those territories, who will independently manage the cultivation shifts. At the end of the cultivation cycle there will be no taxes or payments in kind, the entire harvest will be at the disposal of those who worked it, while the improvements to the land will remain for the benefit of the next round. This great innovation, approved by a consultation in all the Zapatista centers, perhaps represents the best possible response to the changed context now experienced in Chiapas. Because if since 1994 the Mexican government has tried to divide the population, funding paramilitary groups that faced the Zapatista organization, the entry of drug trafficking cartels into the region increases variables and violence, and requires first of all the union of forces from Bass. A continuous dialogue therefore between the Zapatista and non-Zapatista populations could be the only possible response to this war. To paraphrase the latest statements, there is no manual to follow in what the Zapatista organization is building, the only possibility is to continue to question ourselves and to make self-criticism and innovation the beacons for continuing the journey. And if this organization continues to move forward, forty, thirty, twenty and ten years later, we can look optimistically to the years ahead. Long live the Zapatista revolution.
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