The carnage that bloodied the streets of Gaza in recent weeks, afterhaving been stopped by the truce reached between Israel and Hamas,thanks to the mediation of Qatar and the support of the United States,has started again and Israel has resumed bombing Gaza with the samebrutality. Unfortunately we are faced with yet another confirmation thatthe suffering of populations matters nothing to states and governments.The truce, or humanitarian pause as it is often defined, has been inplace for several days and has allowed the exchange between some of theIsraeli hostages in the hands of Hamas and the Palestinians locked up inIsraeli prisons, mostly women and children. However, it was a moment ofrelief for the inhabitants of Gaza, who were thus able to supplythemselves, in an absolutely insufficient way, with food and every othernecessary good to try to survive the bombing that the Israeli governmentimmediately undertook at the end of the truce. The attack on November30, at the bus stop in West Jerusalem, claimed by Hamas, gives new lifewithin Israel to the supporters of total war and to the immediatelyproclaimed objective of annihilating Hamas.This umpteenth Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a continuous trail of bloodfrom 1947 to today which has seen a state and an equipped army facingeach other in an asymmetrical way with a population sometimes armed onlywith stones, probably marks a turning point full of disastrousconsequences. If the 7 October attack by Hamas was the most brutal onecould have expected, the reaction of the Zionist government was filledwith unprecedented ferocity and cynicism: killing in the throes of a fitof revenge, without sparing anyone , women, girls, children, elderlypeople, civilians, guilty only of living in Gaza. From the rubble of ahalf-destroyed city it is difficult to imagine any future, not one ofcoexistence but not even of détente; new violent extremisms, newconflicts and new massacres will inevitably arise. On the one hand, apeople reduced to chains, threatened in their very existence, whatreaction can it produce other than that of further extremization, of oldand new Hamas who only in armed conflict, albeit from a situation ofinferiority, think they can obtain something, perhaps just the simplerecognition of existing. On the other, increasingly biased andirresponsible governments that consider themselves legitimated inpursuing real ethnic cleansing. The Nakba, the Palestinian exodusfollowing the birth of the State of Israel in 1948, always claimed bythe Zionist right and denied by the Israeli centre-left politicalcoalition, as claimed by the historian Ilan Pappé, is now openly invokedby the government and by increasingly large populations. How to get outof such a tangle that becomes ever more enveloping? At the moment,contrasts prevail in which both rights and wrongs are invoked on oneside: the Nakba is contrasted with Israel's right to exist, the launchof missiles with the control of Gaza and the occupation of newterritories, the threat and to "terrorist" attacks, the apartheid regimeand repression, in a crescendo that causes continuous carnage. Ofcourse, this does not mean that the condition of the Palestinians iscomparable to that of the Israelis. It seems quite obvious that in thishistorical moment no one is threatening to eliminate the Israeli state;if anyone risks dispersion it is the Palestinians, and the action of theIsraeli army in Gaza seems to outline this possibility. Not to mentionthe incessant activity of Jewish settlers in the West Bank who continueto occupy territories. In the partisan climate that emerged after theOctober 7 attack, unscrupulous propaganda brought up the Shoah andanti-Semitism to justify the crimes that the army is committing againsta defenseless population, subjected to indiscriminate bombing. This iscertainly not the way to get out of the cul de sac of a conflict thathas lasted for more than seventy years. Instead, a process should bestarted that begins to reduce hostilities and friction, capable of"resetting" a nefarious past and redesigning a future of real peacefulcoexistence. But this certainly cannot happen under the pressure ofinstitutions or states.The impotence of the UN, which by statute should ensure peacefulcoexistence, is unequivocal precisely at this juncture; even the timidstances of Secretary General Guterres have been either acrimoniouslyattacked or beautifully ignored. The United States, China and Russia andtheir respective satellites move on the imperialist chessboard in searchof ever new influences and wars are an opportunity, as for Russia andUkraine, to measure forces and gain positions. The ongoing conflict inPalestine is no exception: it is one of the many theaters of theperennial clash between imperialisms.A clash that is currently operating at a distance and against thebackdrop of the conflict between Israel and Hamas, since after the firstfew weeks in which it seemed that any spark could precipitate a warinvolving the entire Middle East, this possibility now seems to havebeen averted. However, the general picture is certainly not comforting,the attitude of states and powers is always that of "being willing torisk a partial conflict", as Anna Bravo claimed, with the presumption ofbeing able to avoid a generalized conflict, limiting oneself to warlikeskirmishes and diplomatic. But until when?Returning to the Israeli-Palestinian question, the Israeli historianIlan Pappé, interviewed by various Italian newspapers, argued with greatlucidity that until Israel's colonizing attitude ceases it will not bepossible to find any solution. At the conclusion of a meeting held atthe University Library of Genoa, Pappé said: "History teaches thatdecolonization is not a simple process for the colonizer. It loses itsprivileges, must return the occupied lands, renounce the idea of amono-ethnic nation-state. Israeli pacifists think they will one day wakeup in a democratic country. It won't be that simple, the decolonizationprocesses are painful: peace begins when the colonizer agrees tooverturn its institutions, the constitution, the laws, the distributionof resources. The day the colonization of Palestine ends, some Israeliswill prefer to leave, others will remain in a free territory where theyare no longer anyone's jailers. The sooner they understand this, theless bloody this process will be. In any case, history is always on theside of the oppressed, all colonialism is destined to end."Yes, but it will have to be a strong stance and awareness of thepopulations involved, Palestinian and Israeli, capable of rejectingviolence and distrust, and popular support outside Palestine to reversethe course and start a real process of coexistence, without states andwithout armies.Angelo Barberihttps://www.sicilialibertaria.it/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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