Within what can be considered the "Spanish phase" of the European war(1914-1947), the figure of Juan Garcia Oliver (JGO) is of particularimportance. There are several articles, books and reviews, also inItalian, which have focused on various historical and biographicalaspects of this leader and militant of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism. Thecomplexity of the Spanish libertarian movement in that period, the roleplayed by the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (Cnt) and theFederación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) in the Spanish revolution can beunderstood through the knowledge and questions that the biographicalresearch on JGO has raised. A parallel emerges between his militancy andthe different phases of the internal confrontation within the CNT, whichprovides new elements to research on the popular uprising against themilitary pronouncement, collectivizations, the libertarian presencewithin the Caballero government, the fall of the republic, retreat andexile. His biographical journey, from his birth in Reus on 19 January1902 to his death in Guadalajara (Jalisco, Mexico) on 6 July 1980, isalso a collective biography of Spain during the civil war and of the CNTleadership group (Montseny, Santillan, Mirò, etc.) in the face of theurgency of organisational, program and political choices starting fromthe 4th unitary congress of the CNT (Zaragoza 1st May 1936) whichelaborated the libertarian Communist program and the revolutionaryworkers' alliance with the Uniòn General de Trabajadores (Ugt )socialist. The death of Francisco Ascaso, general secretary of the CNTin Catalonia, during the first clashes of the uprising of July 1936 andthe doubts of Buenaventura Durruti initiated the need for reflection onthe role of the CNT as a whole. The organization of the "Comité deMilicias" in Barcelona, the collectivizations of the militaryindustries, the expansion of the anti-fascist front and the entry of JGOas minister in the government of Largo Caballero are the main elementsof his action. His choice is twofold, anti-fascist front and defense ofthe libertarian Communist program, implemented in various areas andinstitutions controlled by the CNT, including the government ofCatalonia and the Council of Aragon (chaired by Joaquin Ascaso withdelegation from the Government), in Asturias , with workers' control inindustry, in Cuenca and elsewhere. As justice minister he was accused onthe one hand of iconoclasm and criminality, on the other of not havingoperated coherently during the clashes in the May days of 1937. GarciaOliver signs the ceasefire and truce, which will last until the end Ofthe war. The coup attempt by the forces controlled by the Stalinist USSRagainst the libertarian and autonomist militias was thus limited; theclash would drag on until August 1937 with the attack of EnriqueLister's troops, controlled by the Soviets, on the council of Aragon toput an end to libertarian collectivizations. Events that pave the wayfor Juan Negrìn's new government. From this moment on, the Spanish civilwar took on a character predominantly focused on military operations,although still within the Popular and Anti-Fascist Front. There aredirect testimonies from those days which confirm JGO's commitment as"keeper of the seals" in the defense of the Militia School directed bythe CNT, in the development of new legal norms which ranged from genderequality to religious freedom for the evangelical and Jewish churches ,in the approval of the amnesty for social and political crimes, inactive participation in the War Council, in diplomatic activity. Thisactivity re-evaluated his role during a unique historical period interms of social experimentation. The defeat, retreat and exile arecollected in images and texts, such as the last speech at Durruti'sgrave, * on the second anniversary of his death on 29 November 1938, inthe Montjuich cemetery. The 26th division of the Republican Army (as theDurruti column is renamed) is present, the last defense of the rearguard during the retreat from Catalonia in January 1939.The libertarian movement during the civil war deepens politicalconsciousness, creates a new mass communication, JGO is an originalinterpreter, "invents" the red-black flag, uses similarities with actorssuch as Stan Laurel or James Cagney to build a identifiable public imagewhich is also part of the ongoing military and political conflict, onthe one hand with fascism and on the other with the agents of the GPU,Stalin's secret police. But the awareness of one's role is alsopersonal, when he declares: "Mi muerte will be gris y possibile lleguecon demasiado retraso", in fact he takes us back to the "tomb notfound", JGO is not buried in Barcelona alongside Durruti, Ascaso andFerrer . His activity as a political leader ended in 1947 in Mexicowhere he had followed the republican government; In that year, JosèGiral Pereira's cabinet in exile was dissolved, with the CNT presentwith Horacio Martinez Prieto supported by JGO. Elements of that periodwhich led to deep lacerations in the republican, but also libertarianfront, consisted of the division of the territory of the republic intotwo parts in April 1938, furthermore the Munich conference of September1938 blocked the sending of military aid from France and Great Britainfollowed in October by the withdrawal of the International Brigades fromSpain. After Stalin's purges of the leaders of the Red Army, the USSRalso began a process of disengagement from the Spanish war which wouldend with the Molotov-Ribbentrop non-aggression pact of August 1939 andthe invasion of Poland in September. The need for the republic to resistfor a few months was hindered by the Soviet strategy which aimed atexhausting the republican army through useless offensives or battleswhich wore down its resistance, until the failure to defend Cataloniawhich was occupied by the Francoists in February 1939. Following thediplomatic recognition of Franco's Spain by France, the president of therepublic Manuel Azana resigned on 27 February 1937. Documents andtestimonies indicate Palmiro Togliatti as the "master of operations" forthe control of the republic by the agents and USSR soldiers in Spain. InMarch 1939, the National Committee of the libertarian movement attemptedto organize a retreat from the area that remained republican, theCenter-South and Madrid, there were several attempts by the variouscomponents to take control within the republican alignment and the startof attempted peace negotiations with Franco. On 4 March 1939 anarchists,socialists, republicans, CNT and UGT formed the "National DefenseCouncil" directed by Colonel Sigismundo Casado, following this Negrinand the leaders of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) abandoned Spain; on9 March the IV Republican Army Corps directed by Cipriano Mera blockedthe army units loyal to the PCE who were attempting to take over Madrid.Although several attempts by the Francoists to occupy the republicanareas were repelled, in early April 1939 the clashes ended with thevictory of the Francoists and only a small part of the republican armymanaged to retreat. From this moment a clandestine reorganization of theremaining anti-fascist forces began. Existing documentation estimatesthat there were fifty thousand Spanish veterans of the Republican armywho participated in the Second World War (anarchists, socialists,internationalist communists), there are six thousand deaths in theFrench army, one thousand in the English army, six hundred in theresistance in France, but the majority, around ten thousand, are killedin German concentration camps. The main Spanish formations are the 9thcompany (La Nueve) of the Leclerc division, the 13th Dble in GeneralKoenig's 1st Brigade française libre, which participates in the Africancampaign up to southern Italy. There are the "Guerrilleros Espanoles"brigades, part of the XV Corps, which operate throughout the South ofFrance, while other brigades are organized in the Maquis. In the Englisharmy and navy there are the "Number one Spanish Company - Pioneer Corp",officers and soldiers who fled to the USSR and enlisted in the Red Army.The two-year period of '44-'45 of the world conflict represents acritical period for the Franco regime, largely compromised with bothHitler and Mussolini. It is no coincidence that in these years wewitness the resumption of internal resistance and the possibility of thecollapse of the regime increases. they make it more real.The republican government in exile, within the "Alianza Nacional",reorganizes the opposition political and trade union forces, but in thisphase the decisive role of the allied forces which are already preparingto redefine the European political balance is also emerging. Theambiguity of the allies towards Franco's Spain allowed the strengtheningof the regime and, internally, the resumption of a vast action ofrepression which would last throughout the 1940s, managing to eliminateany form of armed or political resistance, in particular that expressedfrom the "Libertarian Front". The new world balances imposed by thenascent confrontation between the USA and the USSR do not envisage ademocratic system in Spain, the last illusions of a collapse of theFranco regime are extinguished, from protagonists of history the Spanishrepublicans return to being only spectators of decisions taken by thenew powers world. Despite the presence of a vast diplomatic boycott andarmed resistance both within and in the South of France, the Francoregime changed its international position, from that of alignment withinthe Axis, to war neutrality, to relocation in the area of Britishinfluence, then in the American one, fitting into the lines of theTruman doctrine for the Western camp. Various consequences will arisefrom this new international situation, including the abandonment by theCommunist Party (PCE) of the armed struggle within Spain, with thedissolution of the guerrilla movement in 1948. In the two-year period1948-1950, the the activity of the CNT which scales down the guerrillawarfare of the "maquis" organized by the Movimiento Libertario deResistencia. *(https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=RQM-McmeYCI)BIBLIOGRAPHY: Frank Mintz, Graham Kelsey (ed.), Consejo Nacional deDefensa (March 1939), Cuadernos de la guerre civil n. 5, FundacionSalvador Seguì, Madrid, 1989; Fulvio Abbate, The anarchist minister, Juan Garcia Oliver a hero ofthe Spanish revolution, (with a text by Fernando Arrabal), BaldiniCastaldi Dalai Ed., Milan, 2004;José Miguel Fernandez, Garcia Oliver: Perfil de un ombre de accion, in"Libre Pensamiento", CGT Madrid, n. 33-34, 2000, pp. 73-83; Frank Mintz,Memorias, improvisaciones y olvidos de un ex-minister, in "BICICLETA"Revista de comunicaciones libertaria, n. 13, Valencia, 1979, pp. 48-49;Juan Garcia Oliver, El eco de los pasos, Ed. Ruedo Iberico, Barcelona, 1978;Centenario de Joan Garcia Oliver, in "Royo y Negro", anarcho-syndicalistmonthly publication, IV series, a. XIII, n. 137, October 2001, p. 2;Michele Serra, An anarchist in a suit and tie, in "la Repubblica" n.November 14, 2004, pp. 32-33;Pietro Ramella, The retreat. The odyssey of 500,000 Spanish republicanexiles after the civil war (1939-1945), Lampi di Stampa, Milan, 2003.www.memorialibertaria.org www.portaldelexilio.orgIl Cantiere n. 20 ottobre 2023 ilcantiere@autistici.orghttp://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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