WORLD WORLDWIDE CZECH UKRAINE RUSSIA News Journal Update - (en) Czech, Ostravska OAF[#Slovenian - #Croatian FAO]: FAO-IFA: Your Wars - Our Dead (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

More than a year has passed since the already long and devastating war
in Ukraine escalated to new heights of mass organized technological
carnage and definitively entered the world's consciousness. In February
2022, after nearly eight years of civil war that claimed thousands of
lives and caused enormous damage, military forces under the command of
the Russian Federation launched a large-scale invasion of the territory
of the Ukrainian state, which was met with a decisive armed response by
military forces under the command of Ukraine. As the battles engulfed
cities and countryside alike, the flow of weapons into the newly created
war zone increased dramatically. Large parts of the country and
population are now under true military occupation, entire cities and
vast areas have been turned into post-apocalyptic death zones. By now,
many states, militaries, intelligence services, and other structures
have become actively involved in the war in one way or another, many of
them as a follow-up to their previous commitments. The internal
volatility of military conflict between powerful and technologically
advanced militaries continues to raise the global geopolitical stakes,
while the needs and interests of the civilian population, both in the
war zone and elsewhere in the world, are sidelined by all warring
parties. The war continues and the logic that set it in motion is
normalized.

After nearly a year and a half, many worry not only about the continued
daily terror of frontline slaughter, forced conscription, attacks on
civilians, and the overall totalitarian nature of the wartime regime,
but also about what will happen next. The anxiety of many people around
the world is also fueled by the stubborn statements of warmongers on
both sides of the front line. The official spokesmen of the ruling class
that presides over both sides of the war routinely evoke the possibility
of nuclear Armageddon and the necessity of a nationalistically motivated
militaristic revival in the respective geographies. All warring parties
are trying hard to impose their truth on the population they rule and
the world at large. Yet, as in most wars, there are many people who
choose to disobey the orders of commanders on both sides, and often do
so at the risk of being ridiculed, stigmatized, censored, criminalized,
imprisoned, or otherwise harmed.

Like many others, we, the political groups and individuals affiliated
with the Federation for Anarchist Organizing (FAO), have been
discussing, reacting and thinking about this new war. We did so against
the background of many previous experiences of the past decade and a
half dealing with issues of war, occupation and resistance.

We opened up a lot of questions and came to some conclusions. As part of
our efforts, we have listened and interacted with our comrades from
various parts of the world, including those from Ukraine. This text
presents a partial summary of the conclusions we reached. Regardless of
their potential power, we recognize that the issues addressed here are
difficult and that no words can match the horrors experienced by so
many. Despite all the complexity of international politics in general
and war as a specific phenomenon in particular, and despite the
contradictions arising from any political activity, we believe that our
conclusions are simple and clear. Above all, they are also open to
future development. We sincerely hope that our contribution can be
considered in conjunction with our previous statements and political
commitments.

We are aware that in this specific context we are relatively privileged
in the sense that our lives are not immediately threatened by weapons of
war. We are privileged to be able to take the time to come together as a
collective social and political body and ask questions without having to
immediately come up with practical answers on which our lives depend.
This is a privilege denied to many on the frontlines in
Palestine/Israel, Syria, Yemen, Ethiopia, Ukraine and many other places
currently engulfed in war. Nevertheless, we do not believe that certain
relative privileges should force a person to remain silent. We are aware
of the fact that this position may be controversial for some.
Nevertheless, we have made a conscious decision to take such a stance,
and we do so openly.

We believe that even in the most difficult times there is an opportunity
to stand up for yourself, not to withdraw into isolation, paralysis and
silence, but on the contrary to actively reflect on things and, if the
opportunity arises, to act. We believe that this is what anarchists and
the anarchist movement as a whole should strive for. In fact, it is
precisely this point of view that drew many of us to the anarchist
movement in the first place. We are aware that acting in this way can
bring a person into conflict with the powers that be and their
operations by which they produce approval for their actions.
Furthermore, we understand that in these times of apparent confusion and
uncertainty we can gain much from the analyses, positions and practices
of many of our predecessors who have engaged in sustained anarchist
activity in the specific historical and political context of previous
times. This does not mean that we intend to throw our Malatesta,
Goldman, Durutti, the anonymous Kronstadt sailor, Makhno, or anyone else
into the fire of debate, claiming that references of this kind will
settle the dispute. That would be against the spirit of what we
understand as anarchism. It would be ahistorical and it would also be
rude. We're just saying that there have been people before us who have
dealt with topics not dissimilar to the ones we're dealing with now, and
that they've come up with interesting analyzes and suggestions that we
too can make good use of.
[...]

Capitalism, crisis, the end of neoliberalism and war

In its quest for endless capital accumulation and unlimited economic
growth, capitalism has developed as a global system fueled by the
constant exploitation of workers, other people and animals, and nature.
Although it is a global system, it is not built on the harmony of all
its parts, but on the logic of competition found at all levels:
competition within society, competition between individual societies,
competition between centers of capitalist power; and it is not at all
surprising that one of the basic fantasies of capital is to impose on
the working class conditions of the most brutal competition for the
necessities of life, such as food, housing, and social relations.

While the belief in unlimited economic growth is a basic ideological
premise of the capitalist system, limits to expansion do in fact exist,
and so too do limits to the expansion of the domain under the control of
a particular capitalist power. Whether in the form of resistance or
limited availability of workers, limited natural resources, dubious
economic bibles on which it relies for its reproduction, or in the form
of a competing center of capitalist power, the managers of the
capitalist system are forever haunted by the dual specter of crisis and
expansion. Its entire history is characterized by a long journey from
one devastating crisis to another. Only in the last decade and a half
have crises been given other names, e.g. economic crisis, migration
crisis, Covid-19 crisis, climate crisis. Despite the different names,
the response of the authorities to these supposedly very different
challenges was strikingly similar: huge investment in propaganda efforts
to impose a monolithic narrative, strengthening of various state and
parastate structures of repression, surveillance and control,
militarization, digitization and bureaucratization, innovation and
entrenchment of hate politics, violence and exclusion, persecution of
social opposition and immense destruction of human and animal lives.

With the end of the neoliberal era of the global economic system, its
ideological promises are everywhere exposed as empty words. The ruling
class itself is well aware that not only can it no longer guarantee
anything to the vast majority of the people it wants to rule, but
increasingly it cannot even hide it. Within the current system, even
according to official proclamations, there is no longer an offer of
affordable health, safety, housing, education, a fair share of the pie,
let alone prosperity of the kind that characterized welfare states after
World War II. What today's ruling class offers instead is successive
states of emergency, austerity measures, further privatization of public
services, militarization and an enormous increase in the scale and
brutality of policing. Authorities in the so-called West, no longer able
to provide even the previous level of prosperity, are increasingly
resorting to mere violence and other authoritarian methods just to
maintain power. The Covid-19 regime has so far been the clearest
expression of the mechanisms of a new and extremely repressive
normality, which is no longer limited to those who are considered
marginal in terms of racist, patriarchal and otherwise authoritarian
structures, and therefore valid targets of state violence.

As the neoliberal utopia of global free trade collapsed under the
contradictions between ideology and the broader geopolitical
considerations of its main protagonist - the US - economic protectionism
re-emerged as a unifying element for competing centers of capital
seeking competitive advantage and thus their very survival. According to
the iron logic of capitalist competition, and in accordance with the
historical events of more than a century ago, the new economic,
political and ultimately military blocs combine and maneuver to secure
what they see as their existential geopolitical and economic interests.
Wherever there are competing claims, the possibility of war, the most
absolute of all crises, comes to the table of those who decide on behalf
of the ruling class. After so many other geographical areas, Ukraine has
now been added to the long list of war theaters. The fact that
considerations that would take into account the welfare of the majority
of the population do not play too much of a role in these geopolitical
games of the ruling class is itself a testament to how vast a gap exists
between the rulers and the ruled today.

The war in Ukraine is between an existing transnational military
alliance in the service of a US-led unipolar world system on the one
hand, and an emerging transnational economic alliance with military
aspects in the service of a multipolar world system adopted by Russia,
China and other powerful capitalist powers on the other. Despite the
importance of local factors, the war in Ukraine is not based on local
political conflict. Rather, Ukraine, its population, landscape,
resources, cities and fields were chosen as the terrain of military
confrontation between two powerful capitalist centers. Geopolitically
speaking, the core of the problem is therefore not Russia versus
Ukraine, and certainly not Russians versus Ukrainians. It is a battle
between centers of economic and political power that align themselves
with two competing models of the global political system and have the
military and other tools at their disposal to assert their respective
claims. Despite the many differences between the two economic and
political types, both models are rooted in capitalism, militarism,
nationalism, and thus the necessity of large-scale exploitation and
destruction. The war in Ukraine is thus not a war between people, but a
war between large systems of capitalist domination. People only die in it.

When we think about war, we should not forget that peace does not
necessarily mean the absence of war. It can also mean that a war waged
by a certain center of power is taking place far away. This is the truth
about the apparent peace and democracy that has supposedly reigned for
many decades in the so-called West. It is conveniently forgotten that
virtually all states of the so-called West built their economic success
and apparent prosperity through exploitation and conquest. Most of these
states were built on systematic crimes against a certain part of the
population on which they imposed their rule. This also applies to tiny,
unimportant Slovenia, which, as a result of securing its independence,
stripped tens of thousands of its citizens of their legal rights in a
clearly racist administrative operation. This is true of tiny,
insignificant Croatia, whose current ruling class came to power in a
nationalist war that served as a cover for large-scale ethnic cleansing
of its territory, during which several hundred thousand people were
driven from their homes on racist grounds and hundreds if not thousands
of people were killed outside of any military battles. In the case of
many other states, this process took other and more deadly forms:
colonization, genocide, organized terror and mutilation, slavery, brutal
suppression of entire distinct linguistic and cultural communities, and
many others.

Nor is war the only form of terror, and its clear brutality should not
mean that we should ignore all other forms of state-organized structural
violence. Even today, and probably more so than in the not-too-distant
past, we can see that a large part of Europe's workforce is made up
primarily of severely underpaid labor from countries on the periphery or
beyond - conditions that in many cases are rightly described as modern
slavery . This confirms the now practically indisputable fact that every
capitalist power needs a regular supply of cheap labor and reliable
access to natural resources, not only to today's fashionable lithium and
other precious metals, but also to clean water and fertile soil. Until
capitalism as a world system is dismantled, states will remain the
mechanism through which a tiny minority imposes authoritarian rule on
the world in a way that requires war to reproduce itself. So we can
reaffirm that capitalism is war.

Anarchists and war

For us, in this war, the enemy is war itself. For us, the enemy is the
states that need war in order to rule the population. For us, the enemy
is capitalism, which needs states and wars to maintain its power over
the world. For us, this is the core of anarchist analysis and politics.
Without them, anarchism as a clear, specific political position and
practice does not make practical or theoretical sense.

We absolutely recognize the right of every individual and community to
defend themselves against any infringement of their freedom. The
military invasion and subsequent occupation by an uninvited and
unwelcome foreign entity is without a doubt a clear example of exactly
the kind of violation that is taking place in Ukraine. If people -
regardless of their declared political affiliation - choose to join the
various military forces under the command of the state of Ukraine (or
any other state for that matter) under these circumstances, we will not
preach to them that they should not do so. It is, of course, up to each
individual, community and political group to assess the situation for
themselves and make appropriate decisions regarding their self-defense.

We support people's self-defense and perceive it as an integral part of
the struggle to defend already achieved social, political and other
gains or in creating conditions in which these gains can be achieved.
For us, popular self-defense means a set of many different activities
conducted in a way that allows for autonomous political, social,
economic and militant practices while adhering to the principles of
anti-authoritarian self-organization. While it may take the form of
organized armed struggle, it is anti-militaristic in the sense that it
is based on voluntary involvement, claims no authority over the
non-combatant population, and has as its ultimate goal the dissolution
of a system that needs war and military structures to reproduce itself.

We humbly acknowledge that at present this concept has only limited
practical application in our immediate circumstances - but also that it
may not always remain so. Furthermore, as part of the anarchist
movement, we are constantly trying to learn from history, including the
history of people's revolutions - and from the current experiences of
our comrades who are fighting for dignity and life. It is against the
background of these considerations that we submit that, not only in
principle, but also in analysis, we do not believe that taking a gun in
one hand and holding a national flag in the other, or taking orders from
those who do so, can achieve anything other than reproduction of a
society based on nationalism, patriarchy and exploitation. Based on what
we understand so far about the military conflict in Ukraine, we do not
see that involvement as part of the armed forces of the Ukrainian state
or in a military coalition under its command is consistent with any
model of anti-authoritarian self-organization that we can imagine. We
understand and respect the self-defense impulse that led them to decide
to engage in armed struggle against invading forces. But to do this as
part of the national army or as a substitute for it and under the
command of its officers is not an anarchist policy and cannot be
formulated as such.

In the event that Russia is declared the winner of this war, there is no
doubt that this will certainly not bring favorable conditions for the
development of any anti-capitalist revolutionary project. But even in
the case of the so-called victory of Ukraine and its "Western allies",
it is illusory to expect the emergence of something like that. Indeed,
precisely in the context of war between rival blocks of capitalist
power, the banner of a transnational revolutionary working class engaged
in class struggle should be explicitly placed at the center of any
militant activity. It is the only banner under which workers, fighters
and the rest of the population from both sides of the front can fight
together for their lives and against their common enemy: the military
commanders and their bosses.

We strongly oppose the creation and reproduction of any sympathetic
depiction of war. We observe that despite the fact that this portrayal
is strongly based on patriarchal values, it is also spread throughout
all supposedly progressive media. Images of macho-looking warrior-men in
all sorts of romantic situations - images that contrast with narratives
of "reprehensible deserters" and those who dare to question
participation in the ongoing carnage. Accordingly, we see practically
total denial of the existence of desertions "on our own side." The right
to life outside of war must be recognized for everyone, regardless of
gender, age or social status.

We are strongly opposed to the distinction and promotion of the division
into "good refugees" and "bad refugees" that we observed immediately
after the beginning of the current Russian invasion of Ukraine. We have
witnessed further confirmation of the fact that the European migration
system is based on racial and religious prejudices and discriminates
between refugees based on their skin color and perceived religious
affiliation. The systematic violence either directly by the European
Union states or on their behalf against refugees and other migrants from
various countries that we have seen over the last 20 years at least has
made life hell on earth for millions of people - those fleeing war were
greeted with further humiliation and new death traps. We cannot adapt to
a world where empathy and solidarity is based on the passport a person
holds, the language they speak or the place of birth. We cannot accept
that a person from Syria is less worthy of a safe home than a person
from Ukraine, we will not accept that a person fleeing from Ukraine is
worth less than a person fleeing from Syria. The principles of
solidarity either apply universally or they do not apply at all.

We absolutely reject any war profiteering. We do not support the
production and trade of weapons that are controlled by the state and
primarily serve the interests of the shareholders of the
military-industrial complex. Weapons, war industries and military
alliances are the problem, not the solution. That is why we reject the
acquisition and sale of weapons and all other forms of strengthening the
war apparatus. We are not in solidarity with the states and their armies
that are now measuring the power of their weapons of mass destruction in
Ukraine. Our interests cannot be aligned with those of the war mongers
who are already making hard money and wringing their hands over the
promise of a long war with exciting opportunities. Our boundless
solidarity goes out to all those suffering the consequences of war on
both sides of the front line. We stand in solidarity with all those who
raise their voices against war, with those who do not put their own
bodies at the disposal of the war machine, and with those who become
targets of repression precisely because of their opposition to war. Like
us, they did not want war, they did not seek it, but became its
prisoners and captives.

We oppose the normalization of the discourse on preparations for the
next great future conflict, a normalization that creates the illusion
that the only answer to war is more war, more tanks, more guns, more
ammunition, more submission to the plans of military commanders. On the
contrary, we need to seriously address the question of how to radically
change society in a way that dismantles the conditions for war. We
believe that this is one of our main goals as anarchist political
groups, organizations and networks. To really achieve this, we should
understand what these conditions are and what can be done about them.
Patriarchy, nationalism, selective empathy and solidarity,
militarization and security policy lead among them. These are all tools
of class struggle that the ruling class uses to divide the working class
and keep it subservient to the interests of capital while it - the
ruling class - reaps the dividends. All of these must be constantly
rejected, resisted and dismantled in all their many localized
manifestations. We know that this is easier said than done, yet we
believe that we have no other instrument at our disposal that can
prevent the continuation of war and militarism. We also believe that
some meaningful effort of this kind can be engaged in by any, even the
smallest anarchist group and in the least favorable context, and it is
something that in the long run can make a tangible difference in one's
immediate environment and even in the wider society as whole. In a
sense, war can only begin when and where many of the conditions just
outlined become normalized and naturalized. Only when war is
successfully planted in people's minds as necessary, viable, honorable
and just, even joyful and adventurous, does it also become a practical
possibility.

In our ranks and in our closest sister movements, we have comrades who
directly experienced the wars of the 1990s in Yugoslavia and the NATO
bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999. We share time and space with people who
experienced the wars in Syria and in Palestine/Israel. They all teach us
that even in the worst of times it is possible to take a strong
anti-nationalist, anti-militaristic stance and act according to the most
universal ethical principles. Admittedly, the price for this is often
not small - poverty, social exclusion, isolation from society, forced
migration and outright repression. But it's a price many have paid and
still pay in wars around the world. When Yugoslavia was torn apart, we
saw how transnational and local solidarity helped people survive and
maintain dignity in the worst situations. Desertion was fairly
widespread on all sides of the conflict. In Serbia, entire military
units with hundreds of soldiers refused to go to the battlefield. While
the authorities searched the streets and bars for soldiers, many went
into hiding and many fled the country altogether. In this they were
supported by family members, friends, neighbors and others who all
worked together to weave a web of social resistance against the war
imposed on them by the nationalist elite. In those troubled times, it
was self-organization and solidarity within communities that kept many
people alive and, crucially, became a source of dignity when the flame
of war died down. It is from these experiences that we recognize that
among the most tangible things many of us can do is to offer help and
support to deserters from all armies and those fleeing conscription. And
if this situation arises, we ourselves must become these deserters and
military resisters.

As with other wars, the war in Ukraine poses the central question of qui
bono - who benefits? While we cannot predict with certainty how this
great geopolitical game will play out, it is already clear that there
will be no winners among the general population. There will be no
prosperity, freedom and the possibility of self-determination. In the
absence of a meaningful future, patriarchy, nationalism, religious
fundamentalism and other systems of oppression will continue to rule
over the population. Where a multilingual reality existed for
generations, a cultural monoculture will thrive. Perhaps even, as the
Zapatistas wrote, there will be no landscape after the war. The war
could spread to other geographical areas and new armies could openly
join the fighting. This will further guarantee the never-ending
production of refugees, which the EU capital will suck up as cheap
labor, which from their racist point of view will this time be white and
therefore much more welcome. We assume that peace will be accepted only
after the successful implementation of arms deals and the distribution
of control over the fertile land of Ukraine. A division that will
satisfy investors praying for healthy returns to be assured by the
rulers of the Ukrainian state, who would probably promise and possibly
sign anything, what they can just to secure their personal and political
future. Of course, all these carousels of business are taking place
regardless of the consequences that will fall on the general population
of Ukraine, who will eventually have to pay for all this in many ways.
When peace is finally agreed upon in the ruins of war, people will try
to rebuild their lives, wrapped in huge amounts of debt to pay for all
the 'donated' weapons, and will mourn the loss of family members and
friends. What they will offer them will be capital-driven reconstruction
with all the known brutality: privatization of public services and
resources, further curtailment of workers' rights, many of which have
already been suspended under the pretext of "war economy necessity",
individualization, austerity, repatriarchalization, religious renewal,
etc. That this horizon is not a pessimistic fantasy is confirmed, among
other things, by the Ukrainian state itself, which shortly after the
start of the invasion launched an advertising campaign for investment
capital from the so-called West, the central theme of which was that
Ukraine offers a great investment opportunity for those willing to take
risks . This offers a clue to the idea that the future being fought for
in Ukraine is not something most people can look forward to. It is the
promise of a special economic zone catering to the interests of capital,
where people are once again reduced to cheap highly exploitable labor.

Again, we express our support for any practices of self-organized
anti-authoritarian self-defense and communal organizing in areas
directly affected by the war, as long as they are based on clear
anti-nationalist principles. Furthermore, we express our readiness to
build concrete solidarity with comrades involved in such projects. We
also want to say explicitly that any new way in which Ukraine will be
integrated into the global capitalist system will entail the need for
large-scale workers' self-organization, as this will be the only lever
available to the workers to defend themselves against the known
predatory schemes of war and post-war economy. We are well aware that
the propaganda machine of each state involved would keep us in the dark
about the existence of any such project on the territory of Ukraine (or
anywhere else). We therefore insist that anarchist movements everywhere
continually invest in building stable networks of information sharing,
discussion and coordination. It is they who can offer the possibility of
independent analysis and action before it explodes. By the time the
conflict starts, it may already be too late. Therefore, it must be done
while there is still time, but it is always better to start late than never.

The war is not fought only with bombs and tanks, and this applies not
only on Ukrainian territory. A significant part of war is fought in
societies seemingly safely removed from the scenes of direct violence.
There it takes the form of arms production and trade, promotion of
nationalism, propaganda, repression, racism, selective treatment of
victims of war, prohibition of free speech, funding of gun campaigns,
and many others. To reject war is to reject all the forms in which it
takes place and wherever it takes place.

It should also be said that for us this is ultimately not just an
abstract discussion that we can close with some statement and then move
on to other things. Exactly opposite. We live in a part of the world
where war is not only a lived experience for many people, but a very
realistic future. Whenever there is any kind of massive social
mobilization against a political class and its capitalism, that
political class quickly raises the specter of war, as is so often the
case in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He uses it as a warning of what can
happen when workers demand too much. Another clear example of the threat
of war being regularly used as a political tool is Serbia. Whenever
there is a more serious danger that the government could lose virtually
complete control of the mainstream discourse on any major social issue,
it draws attention to the many unresolved issues surrounding Kosovo. It
often sends the army to the borders, military exercises are held, a
state of heightened alert is declared, and battle proclamations are
issued. All this is often reflected on the Kosovo side, and it is the
latter that often provides an apparent flashpoint for confrontation.
After days or weeks, the situation calms down again. Only for reasons of
domestic politics will it flare up again. But the almost grotesquely
ritualistic nature of this dynamic, which has been going on for years,
doesn't mean cheap public tricks can't get out of hand. This is why the
way the war is routinely staged in front of domestic audiences in
various parts of the Balkans should not be seen as just a cheap
propaganda ploy. The threat is real and comes precisely from those who
are able to fulfill it. It comes from entrenched nationalist elites who
have proven incapable of offering the people anything other than hatred,
national flags and nationalism. When they lose legitimacy, they are
likely to turn to the same tools that brought them to power. One of them
is war. The same can happen if they willingly accept or are forced to
play a minor role in major geopolitical struggles by one or another of
their global superpower benefactors.

In a volatile geopolitical context, all sorts of political tensions can
develop into war. For this to happen, beyond the calculations of the
rulers, the population, which has already suffered so much, would have
to either be convinced that a new conflict against the "others" makes
sense, or be forced to accept it. In any case, anarchists and other
anti-nationalists in the Balkans should focus on not allowing this ploy
to win another victory. This is the reason why we advocate building
transnational networks and participate in their development. This is why
we meet, communicate, learn, build bridges of support and struggle, and
work on joint projects. This is why we encourage even the seemingly
smallest gestures of disloyalty to official narratives. Therefore,
whenever we find ourselves in the middle of an authentic social
upheaval, we consistently argue against the use of national flags on the
streets, against the use of any ethnic label, and against the use of
other symbols and other expressions of nationalist ideology. For us,
national flags, including the Slovenian and Croatian flags, mean the
crimes on which they were and continue to be built. We feel no
allegiance to the Slovenian or Croatian nation, and for us the only
community we claim is the one constituted through the worldwide struggle
against oppression. We believe that if we remain isolated in our own
geographical situation, we will not achieve much. And we are also
convinced that we will achieve nothing if we are separated from society
and social struggles.

In the atmosphere of war, it is important to create spaces of
anti-authoritarian resistance against everything that enables and drives
war. Let us fight the states that claim the land we live in, the armies
that seek to mobilize us, the military industries that feed off the
wealth we produce, the rulers who claim to rule in our name, and all
that allows the cylinder to flourish. Among the spaces in which it is
necessary to be present and active is also the space of public debate on
the one hand and especially the space of the anarchist and
anti-authoritarian movement. We believe it is still important to engage
in a self-organized exchange of information, opinion and organization to
offer practical solidarity to all those who need it most in this
difficult situation. We do not avoid open debate; in fact, we appreciate
any opportunity where our own opinions and positions are challenged in a
respectful and friendly environment. We do not and will not accept any
kind of patronizing attitude or emotional blackmail in the normal
process of debate. We know that the stakes are too high to let our
emotions blind our vision and paralyze us at historically critical and
otherwise important moments.

We are under no illusions: this war in Ukraine will continue for a long
time. More wars will be added to the already long list as long as
capitalism thrives. Just since we started writing this text into the
current version, a new war has broken out in Sudan. To continue the
struggle against this monstrous reality, we will need all our
imagination and courage, all our analysis of historical and current
events, our bodies, our hearts, and we will need comrades. We sincerely
hope that we will continue to find them around the world and that they
too will find us in present and future struggles to abolish the
conditions for war throughout the world.

Let's fight against nationalism, patriarchy, imperialism and war!
Solidarity with the oppressed working class in Ukraine and Russia!
Let's abolish borders!
For the international solidarity of the workers!
Let's abolish the conditions for war!
Let's destroy capitalism!

https://oafed.noblogs.org/post/2024/01/27/fao-ifa-vase-valky-nasi-mrtvi/
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