WORLD WORLDWIDE FRANCE ITALY News Journal Update - (en) France, OCL CA #337 - Italy: The parties pass, the confindustria remains (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

There are few countries where the close links between employers and
political leaders have been so assumed and claimed for 75 years as a
guarantee of competence. The fact that Giorgia Meloni claims to be the
heritage of fascism does not change much! ---- It was from 1990 that the
Italian political landscape which seemed eternal disappeared. ---- 45
years of absolute domination of the Christian Democracy (DC) in power
and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in opposition do not resist the
political earthquake that shakes the world with the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the dissolution of the USSR. This Italian bipartisanship (1)
corresponded to the bipolarization of the world between the two
imperialisms.
In reality, the end of the conflict between Don Camillo and Peppone was
already taking shape fifteen years earlier with the "historic
compromise" brought to the baptismal font by the PCI of Errico
Berlinguer, the inventor of Eurocommunism, and by the majority of the DC
with the figure of Aldo Moro. But on March 16, 1978, while he went to
parliament to ratify a new “alliance” between the two intimate enemies
through a unity government supported by the PCI (2), Moro was kidnapped
by the Red Brigades and executed 50 days later.

Italy is then under the control of three pressure groups: the Church,
the United States, for whom the peninsula is the advanced bastion of
NATO and, of course, the employers led by the CEO of FIAT. , Agnelli.
Let's add "the octopus" (the mafia), which has at least one tentacle in
each group. The employers, unlike the Vatican and the United States, saw
no disadvantage to the historic compromise insofar as the PCI had
undertaken not to nationalize the avvocato automobile factory (3) and
not to put into question causes Italy's membership in NATO. Moro's death
sounded the death knell for the experiment and the Italian political
world then sank into a slow decomposition which would lead to the
explosion of the 1990s, when, the icing on the cake, Operation Mani
Pulite ( clean hands) carried out by judges from the Milan public
prosecutor's office reveals what everyone knew, large-scale corruption
in the political world.

Aldo Moro shuttering
After the Ambrosino bank crash in 1982 which directly implicated the
Vatican, and the multiple bribery cases; after the “scandals” of the P2
Lodge (4) and Gladio, a secret anti-communist paramilitary structure,
responsible for the strategy of tension with the attack on Piazza
Fontana in 1969 of which the anarchist Pinelli was wrongly accused;
after the Christian Democrats' links with the mafia, the far right, and
the American secret services became evident, the DC, PSI, and others of
lesser importance had no choice but to disappear quickly.


The space left vacant by the two deceased ogres of the past is then
offered to the ambitions of a multitude of groupings and personalities,
shooting stars which appeared, disappeared, split, recomposed, combined,
by furnishing the political space Italian since the beginning of the
century. Four end up emerging on the right, which are in reality
coalitions of mini parties.

The Lega founded by Umberto Bossi in 1991, demanding autonomy for part
of the north of the country on xenophobic grounds towards southern
Italians and more generally all emigrants. Having become a national
party, it only advocates federalism.

Forza Italia (FI) of Cavaliere Berlusconi, an eminent figure of
transalpine capitalism and member of the P2 lodge, was formed in 1994
then merged for a time in 2009 with the National Alliance (heiress to
the MSI) in The People of Liberty.

The 5 Star Movement of the cathodic comedian Beppe Grillo appeared in
2009, a mixture of ecology and demands for direct participatory
democracy. Behind this facade which may have seduced certain left-wing
activists, there is a constant, an opposition to the rights of the soil
and a firm policy vis-à-vis immigration. The Grillo quickly disappeared
but the populism of Cinque stelle gained weight.

Finally the latest born in 2014, Fratelli d'Italia (Brothers of Italy),
led by the current Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, formed by dissidents
most openly linked to fascism from the People of Liberty and the
National Alliance ( 1). The same year, in the European elections, the
“Brothers” received a million votes but less than the 4% necessary to
have a deputy. In 2018 they exceeded the 4% mark and sent 32 deputies to
parliament. This is the time when the 5 Star movement and Matteo
Salvini's Lega are on the rise and govern together without the support
of Fratelli who considers 5 Star to be "left-wing"! Note that Fratelli
d'Italia is also the name of the transalpine anthem... As if Marion
Maréchal decided to found a party called Marseillaise... you never know!   

The left, for its part, is trying to form a coalition which no longer
even presents itself as social democracy but which, under the name of
L'Olivier (from 1995 to 2007), brings together a few scum of the ex-PCI
and PSI, castaways from the DC and ghostly ecologists. Their leader is
not just anyone, it is an eminent servant of Capital, Romano Prodi:
Minister of Industry at the end of the 1970s, he then headed the IRI (5)
– Institute of Industrial Reconstruction. Between 1996 and 2008, he
spent two short stints as head of government.


It was to these new political formations that the mandate fell to manage
the difficulties that Italian capitalism was once again experiencing.
The post-war “economic miracle” was nothing more than a memory. It was
built thanks to the Marshall Plan, the modernization of the steel
industry and the dynamism of small and medium-sized businesses which
were able to create profitable niches (clothing, food, mechanics, etc.),
taking advantage of the end of protectionism and the weak labor costs in
the peninsula; Italy had thus become a great industrial power.

But Italian capitalism is largely family capitalism (even now, 40% of
the 300 largest companies are managed by their founder or one of his
heirs). What was an asset for the construction of the “miracle” thanks
to the dynamism and taste for risk of these entrepreneurs became a brake
when the increasingly globalized economy required greater investments to
deal with crises, in particular to that of 2008. Many of these SMEs did
not have the investment capacity necessary to remain competitive.
Because they were unable or unable to develop, 1,300 Italian companies
were bought in a few years by large groups.

The mission of the new political class which comes to power is therefore
to carry out the structural measures necessary to help the employers
overcome these difficulties.
 From 2001 to 2006, Berlusconism, obliging budgetary austerity,
initiated a set of reforms leading to the precariousness of many public
services. Privatizations and openings to competition follow one another
and even accelerate with the “left” government of Prodi from 2006 to 2008.
A little later, another left-wing coalition (Matteo Renzi from 2014 to
2016) sets up Jobs act which eliminates the possibility of being
reinstated in their company for the unfairly dismissed employee, thus
abolishing a conquest of the struggles of the 1970s. This coalition also
establishes the “CDI with increasing protection” with a trial period of…
three years, during which the employer therefore does not have to
justify the termination of the contract. Severance pay increases
depending on the employee's seniority in the company. The icing on the
cake is that employers are exempt from social security contributions on
this type of contract for these three years. Under pressure from the
base and social centers, a one-day strike was organized on December 12,
2014 at the call of the CGIL (Italian General Confederation of Labor)
and the UIL (Italian Labor Union). But for the union bureaucracies it
was only a demonstration of their existence and not the starting point
of a struggle. That same evening, they left the field open to the
government which ratified the Jobs Act in February 2015. These measures
were supposed to create jobs, but this obviously did not happen.


What followed were short-lived coalition governments around 5 Stars and
the League. The latest, by Mario Draghi, perfectly illustrates the
direct links between employers and politicians. Former vice-president of
Golden Sachs (6), then governor of the Bank of Italy and finally
president of the European Central Bank until 2019, he became president
of the Italian Council of Ministers on February 13, 2021 with the
support of all gone from parliament! He seems like the right person in
the right place. And yet his government does not last. A few months
later, his management of Covid (he imposes strict health measures:
health pass, compulsory vaccination for medical personnel), rising
inflation and poverty, and the accelerated deterioration of public
services are the reason for his popularity. His allies, 5 stars first,
then the Lega and FI dump him. Early elections are organized for
September 2022.

A new coalition is formed between Fratelli d'Italia, the Lega, and Forza
Italia. Under the leadership of Meloni, the campaign is led on promises
of tax cuts, the “defense of the homeland” (stopping immigration and
closing ports, defense of Judeo-Christian values ​​concerning the
family). Previously Eurosceptical, the coalition now says they are in
favor of European integration with an EU reform in terms of public
spending. It is planned to abolish the “citizenship income” established
a few years previously by 5 stars, and to implement a tax policy
favoring heritage. Giorgia Meloni becomes the favorite of business circles.
The victory is total. The coalition received 44% of the votes, that of
the center left (Democratic Party, Greens, and others), 26%. The 5-star
movement that goes it alone, 16%. Within this coalition, Fratelli is
well ahead of his allies by garnering three times more votes than all of
his partners.
With an absolute majority in both chambers, Meloni is tasked by the
President of the Republic with forming a government.

Barely had the first Meloni government been formed, the appointment of
Giancarlo Giorgetti as economy minister made it clear that Italy would
not embark on any initiative without EU agreement. Coming from the MSI
(1), Giogetti became a pillar of the Lega but of the economically
liberal tendency favorable to the EU and close links with the United
States and NATO. Minister of economic development in the Draghi
government, he clearly indicated that Meloni would pursue the same line.
Barely elected, she increased her international travel in order to erase
her sovereignist image. The new government also confirms its alignment
with Italy's traditional allies both with regard to the war in Ukraine
and that of the Middle East. “We became friends,” declared the American
president after meeting him.
Noting that in recent years the State having given a lot to the banks,
they had to give a little in turn, Giorgetti introduced a tax on their
excess profits; a way to show off a little social side. But now, the
bosses don't want it and are making it known. Giorgetti admits to
“communication errors” and backpedals by assuring that, even if this tax
is fair, there would be significant adjustments and balancing of the
tax. Important indeed! If the banks do not want to pay the tax, they
have the right to do so provided they pay nothing to shareholders and
put the agent aside. This is obviously the choice that almost all of
them make… and yet the amounts paid to shareholders have increased
further in recent months. As for fears of a possible extension of such a
tax to other sectors, a representative of the bosses declared that he
did not expect a new "clumsy error": "I think the government has learned
from his mistakes” he declared like a good teacher scolding his students.

Despite a significant tightening of repression against migrants that
everyone has heard about, the promise of “closed ports” has not been kept.
The formula displayed during the campaign, “yes to tourists, no to
migrants”, was clear. Welcome to the rich, it doesn't matter if, despite
the patrimonial nationalism displayed, they plunder the territory. It
doesn't matter if, despite the Brothers' social discourse, they expel
the poor from city centers by organizing speculation in real estate and
basic necessities. As for migrants, they are unwelcome, not because of
the color of their skin (racism does not come into play here) but
because they are poor.
However, in an aging Italy the labor market is suffering from
demographic decline so much so that massive recourse to foreign workers
is inevitable in sectors such as agriculture, catering or fishing. They
already represent the main workforce in certain sectors. Italian
employers are calling for an influx of immigrant workers to support the
economy! The daily La Republica headlined, in the name of Italian
employers: “We need immigrants”. While the government says it wants to
close the borders, businesses are calling on it to immediately encourage
the arrival of at least 200,000 foreign workers. If the firmness
displayed by the Meloni government is necessary for its popularity and
the maintenance of its electoral base, it could harm the economy! This
is how, on December 14, 2023, the government decided to bring 452,000
foreign workers into Italy in three years, the largest quota in 12 years.
Part of the opposition forces in Italy, after a year, tried to prove the
incompetence and demagoguery of the government due to the fact that
promises had not been kept. Such analysis only distracts from what the
new covenant truly represents. Indeed, behind the broken promises lie
the very real ones that were made to the employers for whom, for
whatever reason, the new coalition operates as the previous one did.

Have we ever seen broken promises defeat governments, even those
considered incompetent? No. the Meloni government is the direct
expression of an anti-social and anti-popular right which finds its
source in specific social strata, such as traders, bosses, the police.
And the measures taken are not a question of promises kept or not. Let's
take an example, citizenship income. It was canceled as promised, but
partially reinstated a few months later before the summer: it was not a
broken promise, nor even, unfortunately, the consequence of a struggle.
At the start of summer, it was a question of “providing labor in
conditions of semi-slavery to this world which revolves around tourism,
from restaurants to hotels” (Sicilia Libertaria).
A fascist regime?
The political career of both Fratelli and the Lega may suggest that
Italy has just changed its regime and moved to fascism. Certainly,
Meloni governs through decree-laws without Parliament having a say, but
without switching to another regime. Last November, the council of
ministers approved a constitutional reform project establishing the
election of the prime minister by direct universal suffrage for a period
of 5 years on the pretext of putting an end to 75 years of chronic
governmental instability (12 presidents of the council in 20 years).
However, this is not a change of regime because the role of the
President of the Republic is maintained, the Prime Minister will not be
able to appoint his ministers or dismiss them or even dissolve the
chamber in the event of a conflict.
Certainly repressive measures are increasing, such as those against
social centers. The government has announced zero tolerance towards
illegal occupations of premises, which means the need for them to be
legalized and to obey standards which would empty them of their
rupturist substance to make them places of simple " care”.
We know the policy towards migrants, modulated by the needs of
employers. But all this constitutes more the continuation of a
parliamentary regime with an authoritarian liberal policy such as we
find more every day in Europe, than a fascist regime which should be a
single party with a ban on all others, supported by militias and by the
army.

Although weakened in recent years, it is not absent, but it is not to be
found among the left-wing institutional bureaucracies. The Democratic
Party, the Left-Green Alliance and sometimes the 5 Star Movement try to
organize demonstrations against the government with the unions. For
example, on November 17, 2023, a day of action took place in Milan,
Rome, Genoa, Bologna and Naples against the refusal of a minimum wage
and against the finance law which prefers to use the meager resources of
the State to satisfy populist demands and thus go hunting for votes to
the detriment of education or health. The strike was a success but could
not prevent the government from restricting the right to 4 hours instead
of the 8 planned. The unions, who say they admire a “true art” of the
strike in a France where “citizens know how to be respected”, are eyeing
greedily beyond the Alps. If indeed they can envy the constancy of the
mobilization regarding pensions, they forget to specify the stagnation
caused by these demonstrations centrally overseen by a bureaucratic
inter-union. According to others, “à la française” means yellow vests.
And this is more serious. La Meloni will not deny us that she said she
feared the outbreak of spontaneous revolts… More than her parliamentary
opposition in any case! We remember that in 2013 “the pitchfork
movement” shook Italy. Coming from the depths of society, it now appears
to be an anticipation of what the Yellow Vests will be like in France
ten years later.
Indeed, if the demonstrations of November 17 were a success (50,000 in
Rome), those of the 25th against violence against women brought together
nearly 500,000 people in the same city, which far exceeds the figures
for the rallies at the initiative of parties and unions. It is obvious
that it was not ONLY a feminist demand but that it reflected a more
global desire for protest emerging outside of traditional bureaucracies.
It is perhaps in Bologna that the protest landscape of the coming months
will take shape. An atypical city, it has often been the crucible of
radical innovations and to see that currently rallies, demonstrations,
parades take place there almost daily against the State of the Brothers,
can only give us hope.

jpd

Notes
(1) On the eve of 1990, the PCI still had 27% of the vote (in an Italy
where more than 80% of those registered voted) after having reached 35%
in 1976. Let us add the existence of a socialist party , weak but
playing from 1983 to 1986 the role of useful idiot in maintaining the
system with Bettino Craxi at the helm. And, of course, an Italian Social
Movement (MSI) openly claiming to be fascism, and which remained at
around 6/8% but which had to reconvert into the National Alliance (AN)
in 1994.
(2) Without, however, this last one participates
(3) This is what Giovanni Agnelli was called, also president of
Confindustria, the employers' union.
(4) A true State within a State, it is a Masonic lodge whose objective
was to make Italy an anti-communist bastion by means of large-scale
corruption. Obviously opposed to historical compromise.
(5) The Institute of Industrial Reconstruction was the most powerful
body in Italy in the management of state-owned capital. A public
organization, created in 1933 by the fascist government, it was, until
the wave of privatization from 2000, responsible for managing the
sectors of the economy controlled directly by the State. With
Confindustria, the employers' union, the IRI constituted the real power
in Italy.
(6) Very old American investment bank which has multiplied fraud and
embezzlement. After numerous losses, it benefits from new liquidity
while Warren Buffet (the one who claims to lead the class struggle for
the benefit of the capitalists), enters the capital of GS
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