There is currently a rise in far-right parties in France and in manycountries around the world. Many are described as fascists[1]. We musthave a materialistic approach. Just as we do not confuse the discourseof so-called left-wing political apparatuses with their actual practicein government (where they betray all the promises made), we mustdifferentiate the discourse of far-right parties from their practices ingovernments. We must therefore be able to characterize what a fascistregime is in order to be able to differentiate it from a far-rightregime; because by confusing everything, we risk proposing erroneousmilitant axes. We therefore return in this article to this difference totry to understand the current political issues.What is fascism?Fascism is not characterized by the speech of its leaders. By confusingit with the extreme right, we erase its characteristic features[2]. Thefundamental function of fascism is to manage to save capitalism and itsState in a situation of acute crisis of capitalism, even if a fascistparty officially carries an anti-system discourse. Fascism emerged as apolitical movement before its takeover, led by a "leader" and relying onmilitias. It claims to regenerate a community of interest different fromthe class community: the Nation. Fascist ideology only serves as cementfor mass mobilization in a situation of deep social and politicalcrisis. It transforms despair into hope for a new order around arediscovered unity of interest (the Nation), defined as a generalinterest above class conflict. This political movement seeks to destroyany challenge to this national unity through terror which relies on bothstate and extra-state forces. Mass militias therefore emerge fromradicalized social layers, seeking in this national imagination aperspective of a future. Fascism differs from a military dictatorship inthat it comes to power legally by relying on mobilized socialforces[3]which allow it to break up all existing political and tradeunion organizations to impose enlistment of the population. instructures that he controls.Relying on fascism is not without consequences for the bourgeoisie. Thefascist mass movement is partially autonomous because it emerges fromthe depths of society and outside the traditional bourgeois politicalapparatuses. Fascism imposes a dictatorial state on the whole ofsociety, including the bourgeoisie (even if a fraction of thebourgeoisie benefits from it). It is therefore not a classic solutionfor the bourgeoisie. The common form of domination of the bourgeoisie,at least in rich countries, is the so-called parliamentary democraticform because it is the least costly form for it. Freedom of the press,universal suffrage, union and political rights, the right to strike,etc. make it possible to cushion the social crises inherent to capitalism.In situations where the electoral illusion no longer works, thebourgeoisie may decide to rely on a more authoritarian state. But notevery authoritarian state is equivalent to fascism, and we are currentlyexperiencing an authoritarian shift in the state without the facade ofdemocracy being suspended. If the ruling class sometimes relies onfascism, it is not in reaction to a revolutionary threat from theproletariat, but above all it responds to a crisis of capitalism wherethe bourgeoisie is no longer able to impose itself. It is therefore aresponse to the disintegration of capitalism. Having come to power, thefascist regime will crush the organized workers' movement by relying inpart on its social base which serves as the armed arm of repression.Everyone becomes everyone's spy, slowing down any organized protest.In the world todayThere is a rise of the extreme right in many countries (see the map ofEurope). The question arises as to whether these regimes can becharacterized as fascist, possibly differently from past regimes.It is impossible to analyze in detail all the far-right regimes in theworld. If we take Trump for example, he was a president representing ahard right. But his regime was in no way fascist. We saw during hismandate social struggles that a fascist regime would not have tolerated:Black Lives Matter, various strikes. His attempted coup of 01/06/2021was only followed by a minority of supporters and the big bourgeoisieclearly took the side of the bourgeois democratic regime. That said,there are numerically significant groups in the USA, supremacist andarmed, which could tomorrow serve as a social basis for a fascist driftin this country if a major social crisis emerges[4]. Likewise in Israel,Netanyahu represents a supremacist far-right; but his regime is notfascist. As proof, the strong social mobilization prior to 07/10/2023which could not have existed under a fascist regime. On the other hand,in Argentina, Milei could represent proto-fascism. Milei's characterresembles Trump or Bolsonaro and that is not what would make him afascist. Argentina has experienced significant social resistance andpolitical crises for several decades. The Argentine labor movement isquite organized and there is a strong tradition of street protest. Mileicould seek to crush any social protest against his ultra-liberalpolicies[5]by relying on violent mobilization of his social base[6]; buttoday there is nothing to confirm that it can achieve this[7].As for Italy, G. Meloni was close to fascist ideals before he tookpower. Arriving at the head of government, she made a 180° turn on manyaspects. Certainly, the current Italian government is merciless formigrants, posing a particularly violent xenophobic escalation; hepursues an anti-social policy, removing the social minimum (equivalentto the RSA); he is ultra-reactionary, advocating housewives and reducingthe right to abortion; he carries a message of national unity in a moremeaningful way; he points to attempts to reduce the possibilities ofdemonstrating; ...But all this does not make it a fascist government. Itis rather an ultra-liberal government with markers of a hard right,relying on anti-immigrant racism to ensure an electoral base. There iscurrently no physical confrontation when general strikes or oppositiondemonstrations are organized, such as on 11/17/2023 where thousands ofopponents were able to march without clashes. G. Meloni wanted toreassure Europe in the European Parliament on 03/11/2023... in contrastto all his previous speeches. G. Meloni is part of liberal orthodoxy ineconomic and international matters[8]. The policy defended by G. Melonitherefore has nothing to do with that of a fascist regime, even ifideologically she shares a nostalgia for such a regime and even if herpolicy is hyper-reactionary towards migrants ·es, women and the poorestgroups.In summary, no current far-right regime in Western countries seems to becharacterized as fascist, unlike certain countries which could appear tobe under the influence of Islamist fascism for example. The function ofthe far right is to divert anger against capitalism in order to impose amore authoritarian liberal regime within the so-called democraticframework. It is a new form of political balance to respond to thecurrent crisis, pulling the political spectrum to the right. That said,nothing is set in stone. The far right serves, through its"disengagement" discourse, as an electoral alternative to peoplecontesting the traditional political game. It facilitates, within thebourgeois democratic framework, a reactionary anti-social policy butwithout annihilating the underlying crisis of capitalism. The far rightcould only be a transitional phase before a truly fascist drift incertain countries in the event of a deeper crisis that could arise.The possibility of fascism in France?Currently, the benefit of right-left political alternation no longerreally works. The violent repression of social movements and protestgroups in France characterizes the fact that the ruling class is nolonger able to channel social conflict as it was able to do before, itis no longer able to mystify itself as the defender of an interestcommon, it no longer manages to have full political control (forexample: the GJ). But for the moment, capitalism does not feel in dangerbecause it manages to crush forms of protest without needing to impose areal dictatorship. The bourgeoisie is therefore currently choosing anauthoritarian drift within the framework of classical institutions.Thus, if clearly a fraction of the bourgeoisie, Bolloré or Arnault forexample, made the choice to popularize the extreme right, there isnothing to say that they made the choice of a fascist regime. The RN isincreasingly legitimized as a possible political alternation, includingby the current government, because a far-right, authoritarian governmentwould have the interest of being constituted on an electoral basis andof being able to reform the social system in favor of of the bigbourgeoisie without having to rely on a dictatorial exceptional regime.The RN could therefore be a political solution to the current crisisbecause it will allow other bourgeois political forces to continue topropose a political alternation when the latter has disappointed.If a fraction of the bourgeoisie and the political apparatus put forwardthe RN, it is not because it advocates a nationalist ideal specific tofascist movements. The social base of the RN is only electoral andcurrently only small fascist groups choose the physical relationship(with an obvious porosity with the RN). There is a big differencebetween small groups of shaved heads and a party which constitutes moreor less paramilitary militias. The voluntary integration of the RN intopolitical institutions, its notabilization, ... makes it more possibletoday to imagine a takeover of power by the latter without a break withthe current political form (which does not mean without social andpolitical consequences). The RN is more in line with thisbourgeois-democratic perspective than with a fascist perspective.Moreover, Mr. Le Pen flirts with the bourgeoisie by showing himself tobe respectable, the leaders of the RN dine "several times a week" withbig bosses to show that "we are reasonable" (J. Bordella) because "We isa respectable party" (Mr. Le Pen). The latter gave a conference to thiseffect at HEC on 11/28/2023 while J. Bordella was going to flirt withthe "entrepreneurial class" on 11/30/2023 at the SME show.However, the current authoritarianism of the State, even based on afar-right government, in no way allows capitalism to extricate itselffrom the endemic crisis in which it is mired. Today, the deteriorationof social life is combined with the ecological crisis which risksgenerating greater forms of conflict. The growth of social inequalities;the feeling, even for working classes, of a form of social downgrading;the prevalence of nationalism and racism cultivated by all governmentsfor decades; the widespread atomization and individualism that hinderreal class consciousness; the feeling of an impasse generating moredespair than revolts; the marginalization of political institutions...are the ingredients which could favor the emergence of a real fascistmovement in France in the event of a greater social and politicalcrisis. The demonstrations against homosexual marriage ("demonstrationfor all") allowed the most radical far right to come out into the openand strengthen themselves, gaining in audacity and leading to thecurrent emergence of increasingly small fascist groups. present tostrike out against any form of mobilization (as during the suburbanrevolts). In the event of a major crisis, the social base of the RNcould be the stick of the bourgeoisie to crush any protest. But such afascist movement can emerge outside the RN because let us remember thatthe French Popular Party, the main fascist party in France before theSecond World War, was born in 1936 alongside historic far-rightorganizations, driven by J. Doriot, former leader of the PCF!How to fight todayCurrently, faced with the rise of an extreme electoral right, we mustpermanently distance ourselves from political alternatives whichadvocate the electoral game as a solution against the extreme right("republican front") and which only depress the layers even more.popular because they only serve to put the old, discredited bourgeoispolitical apparatuses back in the saddle. We must also distanceourselves from the use of the State as a guarantor of freedom againstthe extreme right. We must restore real perspectives of radical rupturesagainst capitalism and not only in an abstract or moral programmaticway. The challenge is to promote an anti-capitalist perspective throughvery real struggles to allow the oppressed to find a unity of classinterest.Nothing currently allows us to consider that the bourgeoisie will choosefascism, visibly being satisfied with the current authoritarian state.However, tomorrow the bourgeoisie could decide again to rely on afascist regime; at least, it is preparing all the political elements(authoritarianism and nationalism) and this remains a potential optionif the social crisis worsens... without wanting to play the prophet ofill omen. If a real fascist danger emerged, this would change thesituation because it would characterize a major crisis of capitalismwhere the State is no longer able to channel social protest. We shouldnot draw a line of equality between fascism and democracy, even if theyare two political forms to ensure the sustainability of capitalism andits State. A rise in fascism would mean the emergence of militias readyto physically attack the organized labor movement and all forms ofsocial protest. We should defend ourselves physically, and to do so seekto form counter-militias ready to confront the fascists, made up amongothers of activists from threatened organizations or groups. This couldhelp win over activists whose organizations are mired inlegalism/reformism to our revolutionary goals. But such a defense frontshould not sink into a "common anti-fascist program". We do not fightfascism by promoting democracy as it currently is, because that amountsto asking the bourgeoisie not to be authoritarian when it has decided tobe. We do not combat the prevalence of racist/nationalist ideas withmorality, but by offering other perspectives to the oppressed. Onlypolitical radicalism can wrest from the fascist bands the politicalexpression of generalized fed-up. It would therefore be through thedevelopment of revolutionary perspectives that we could counter a risein fascism, that is to say act at the base, not only against fascism butabove all against the capitalist system and its State.Appointment, 15/12/2023[1]See CA 309, April 2021 p. 18-19 "Is Macronism fascism? Part 2" tounderstand that not every authoritarian state is fascist, and to seethat we mistakenly attribute the term "fascist" to Macron for example.[2]See the book by D. Guérin "fascism and big capital" which stillremains a reference or the book by U. Palheta "The possibility offascism" (2020) which pertinently poses what fascism is in its firstchapters... even if this work subsequently slides towards a form ofinevitability of fascism in France which seems to us to be criticized.[3]For Mussolini's seizure of power, see CA 301, February 2021 p. 28-29"Is Macronism fascism? Part 1 ".[4]See CA 307 p. 30 "Hinterland".[5]See the article by R. Godin "Milei's Argentina is embarking on amassive budgetary shock", Médiapart, 13/12/2023.[6]See on the OCL website: "Argentina: Why Javier Milei won theelections, and what to do? ".[7]See on the OCL website: "What is happening now? The position oforganized anarchism on what is being prepared in Argentina.[8]Le Monde, 10/26/2022 "Giorgia Meloni sets a conservative course forthe Italian "great nation""http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4053_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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