Across the world, the far right is known for its regular attacks onLGBTI rights and explicitly targets trans people at all levels. InFrance, the anti-trans backlash is vigorous, promoted by the State, andfollows the fascisation of the West. It is imperative to think of aunited and inclusive anti-fascism and to work towards an anti-fascistperspective in LGBTI struggles. ---- In France, state transphobia hascome a long way and the government is promoting this deadly ideology.During the last reshuffle, Aurore Bergé (who had already invited to theÉlysée, during the summer of 2022, Dora Moutot and Marguerite Stern,public figures known for their anti-trans positions) was appointed tothe ministry responsible for Equality between women and men in the fightagainst discrimination.If the State and the reformist left highlight the homosexuality ofGabriel Attal, now Prime Minister, as a guarantee of progress, themessage is indeed that of equality which will not be achieved with transpeople. However, this discourse permeates the whole of society and wefind transphobic relays in the environmentalist community or amongso-called feminist movements.Today, transphobia is directly enshrined in the laws. A decree ofDecember 19 establishes for a period of six years the systematicrecording of people changing their surname or first name. In addition tothe Immigration law, this text ratifies police surveillance ofimmigrants and trans people, two populations among the most likely tochange their name, and seals the association of racism and transphobia.At the state level, transphobia is no longer limited to an aspect ofcommunication: this marks a first step joining the impulse oftransphobic legislation already established in other countries wherefascists are in power, such as Italy or Hungary .A reactionary and global image of societyTrans people are a prime target of fascists. The construction of aninternal enemy, which we find throughout the history of fascistmovements, is a strategic tool for uniting and building a union of therights.It is also a lever for recruiting activists and imposing theirreactionary vision of society. For the far right, the existence of transpeople undermines the model of the patriarchal family and the genderedand sexual division of society. This current model of the patriarchalfamily is part of a white and Western vision, which was imposed bycolonialism through invisibility and sometimes accompanied by genocidesof other cultures and societies.Transphobic attacks are illustrated by the offensive against abortionand extend to all reproductive rights, particularly those of transpeople. The stated aim is to provoke a moral panic which imposes itselfin the public debate. The right capitalizes on identity and develops itsrhetoric around this idea, particularly trans identity, while lobbyingon several issues simultaneously. The core of anti-trans hatred isfascist, rooted in white supremacy.Fascist movements benefit greatly from media and institutional relay;they also exploit social networks of which they have an almostprofessional mastery as evidenced by Gamergate (an online sexistharassment campaign targeting journalists and developers).The femonationalist current joins them, built on a biologizingessentialism which takes up the confusionist discourse carried by theextreme right. This confusionism combines these new tropes with classicrhetoric of anti-Semitism, for example by spreading the idea that GeorgeSoros finances the trans movement and is himself at the origin ofconspiracies on a global scale. Faced with this state of affairs, weneed intersectional anti-fascism.Combining trans and antifa strugglesIf anti-fascism must take an active part in trans struggles, there isalso a need to bring an anti-fascist vision of the LGBTI struggle. Thisinvolves dialogue and construction with LGBTI struggle associations andcollectives as well as highlighting the rights of trans people wheneverpossible. This work is still to be completed.Anti-fascist collectives like La Horde regret a lack of coordinationbetween those involved in the struggles for LGBTI rights and antifa.Historically, anti-fascism has been dominated by virilism and a lack ofinclusion. Antifa collectives became involved late in the fights for therights of trans people and more broadly for the rights of LGBTI peopleand feminist struggles. In 1984, the Scalp (Section squarely anti LePen) already reported an ambient machismo in its ranks.In recent years, the conquest of new rights for LGBTI people and therise of fascism have highlighted the need to think about these strugglesin complementarity. Faced with the experience of invisibility inactivist circles, collectives claiming belonging to anti-fascism andLGBTI communities such as Paris Queer Antifa were created.The image conveyed by the media of antifa corresponds to that of theblack block, i.e. a hooded man going into physical confrontation. Thisshows a very virilist vision, where violence predominates and ultimatelya binary and spectacular vision of the confrontation between fascistsand anti-fascists. Anti-fascism suffers from this romanticized image ofthe urban guerrilla and a distorted vision of the concept ofself-defense, understood here only from the angle of physical confrontation.This has led to an isolation of the anti-fascist movement which does notbenefit any social struggle. The reality of anti-fascism is thediversity of means of action and registers ranging from populareducation to street mobilization and links with other emancipationmovements. In this sense, it is imperative to think about transstruggles and antifa struggles to enable the organization of the socialmovement and provide a common political perspective.Trans struggles have built militant knowledge, a trans culture sharedbetween its different actors in order to survive and combat the hatredthey encounter. Bringing to life a common culture and the collectivememory of struggles is an integral part of anti-fascism.Solid theoretical foundations are also necessary. In this sense, themotion "For a trans counter-offensive"[1]is a major step in thereflections carried out by UCL for a non-dogmatic trans materialism. Itis also a major step for the development of a unitary strategy in oursocial camp and the construction of concrete solidarity. As anorganization, it will be imperative to bring this text to life on theground.Sarah (UCL Montpellier)To validate[1]Text voted at the 2nd UCL Congress in November 2023, to be found infull on our website or in summary in the Antipatriarchy pages of this issue.https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Analyse-Luttes-trans-et-antifascisme-un-duo-indissociable_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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