In a context of particularly violent inflation for workers in Europe,the European Trade Union Confederation (CES) launched a mobilizationcampaign against austerity from October to December 2023. An expectedfailure which prompts us to question the internationalist strategy ofthe CGT. ---- Despite a date announced well in advance and prepared byan entire French union, the wage strike of October 13, 2023 will havebrought together only 200,000 people throughout France. A figure wellbelow the millions who took to the streets to defend their pensions afew months earlier.It must be said that if the question of wages is central in the lives ofemployees, it was difficult to convince colleagues to go on strike on anisolated day, without an understandable strategy on the part of theinter-union. Unsurprisingly, the strike did not take hold. As a result,smaller demonstrations followed, mainly bringing together the usualunion activists.Worse still, the workers of France were the only ones to have respondedwith a strike to the ETUC's call for mobilization. Ultimately, the onlynotable international element of this mobilization was the presence inParis of a thousand delegates - claimed - from non-French unionconfederations.Two months later, the Brussels Eurodemonstration was not much moreimpressive, although a significant number of French trade unionists madethe trip: of the 15,000 demonstrators, the CGT claimed the movement of3,000 of its members. members. A dynamic to put into perspective withthe weak presence of other French unions (200 CFDT demonstratorsaccording to our activists).As for the other unions, their presence was anecdotal at best. We mainlynote the presence of the CGIL (Italy), the FGTB (Belgium) and the CSC(also Belgium), the only class collaboration union organization whichreally mobilized (by playing at home).The limits of the ETUCIf this demonstration was therefore mainly a testimony of anger, itstill made it possible to strengthen the links between trade unionistsfrom different countries. For example, we were able to attend a momentof camaraderie between Belgian and French construction workers,organized in the premises of the FGTB construction federation.Another scene of union, the exchange of flags or goodies betweendifferent countries was commonplace. If these moments of meeting andexchange are essential to the construction of class solidarity on aEuropean scale, they were unfortunately part of a demonstration that waslost in advance.Let us say it bluntly: these two mobilizations have changed nothing inthe balance of power with the European bourgeoisie. The EuropeanParliament did indeed vote for the austerity plan on January 17. Basedon the institutional calendar, these two dates are in line with theETUC's lobbying strategy: October 13 like December 12, no call forstrike at European level!Under these conditions, the Brussels demonstration in the middle of theweek was nothing other than a parade of activists with trade unionrights. This belief in social dialogue with European institutionsamounts to trade unionists believing in Santa Claus in the face of aradicalized bourgeoisie.Built in the 1970s by class collaboration unions, it was only laterjoined by more combative unions (CGT, CGIL). If they seek to build aculture of balance of power, the majority orientation of the ETUC isstill that of co-management with European capitalism. From Eurodemonstrations to Eurostrikes?How can we build a framework capable of creating a balance of poweragainst the bourgeoisie and the European institutions? How to move fromEurodemonstrations to Eurostrikes? Faced with the soft lobbyists of theETUC, some would like a return of the CGT to the World Federation ofTrade Unions (WFTU). The latter, a survival of the Soviet bloc, is inreality no more radical than its competitor.It is very weak when it comes to denouncing the Iranian, North Korean orSyrian dictatorships, whose "unions" which constitute it are ratherorganizations supervising the working class in the service of power. Nofuture for the CGT in this dusty relic of the USSR!But how can we overcome this CES/FSM divide which appears at everyconfederal congress? Two perspectives come up often. The first, whoserealism is up for debate, would like to build a new international toolaround the CGT. This is, for example, the bet undertaken for its part bySolidaires, which was able to participate in the construction of analternative unionism capable of initiatives (such as material supportfor workers in Ukraine), but which remains marginal.If the CGT would probably be able to take with it a few combativeEuropean unions, this framework would also risk remaining in theminority. The second, the current strategy of the confederal leadership,would like to change the ETUC from the inside. Starting from this toolanchored in the masses (45 million members) is tempting, but as long asthe CGT remains in the minority, it risks only serving as a reservoir ofactivists when the class collaboration unions keep some. political control.This question is central for revolutionary trade unionists for whom theconstruction of European and international class solidarity isessential. It's up to us to keep this debate alive in our unions andlocal unions so that the CGT adopts a strategy that meets the challenge!Thomas and Pierre (UCL Grenoble)http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4092_________________________________________A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C EBy, For, and About AnarchistsSend news reports to A-infos-en mailing listA-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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