One of the slogans that resonated most in the popular demonstrations
held since Javier Milei's government took office was "the country is not
for sale." This appeal to all citizens raises a sense of nationalist
identity, belonging to a community united in the support and improvement
of what is common. Understanding that private interests are going to
harm those goods, areas and symbols of collective belonging, we consider
it pertinent to review that slogan in light of the historical analysis
regarding the link developed between the workers' movement, the
different political currents of nationalism and the term homeland. .
Let's start by placing ourselves in the last decades of the 19th
century. Once the process of civil wars was overcome, the national State
made progress in consolidating its political structure and in the
effective occupation of a broader geographical space than that inherited
from the colonial administration. This expansion into indigenous
territories and the modernization of the economy led to important
demographic movements. In this regard, it is known that the makeup of
the Argentine population, and the working class in particular, was
nourished by a large component of immigrants from Europe. During the
gestation of the labor movement and the first manifestations of
revolutionary tendencies, patriotism was the cultural refuge of the
local elite against the barrage of new customs brought by immigrants,
regardless of their economic background, as well as an instrument of
social differentiation. regarding Creole workers.
As one century passed, workers' demands and greater cohesion among
unions began to generate greater concern among businessmen and
politicians. One of the measures adopted to curb the growing social
conflict was the approval of the Residency Law in 1902, a policy with
profound historical repercussions that determined the expulsion from the
country of any foreigner who was accused of being dangerous or
undesirable, that is, act against the interests of the country.
Understand that in the eyes of the legislators of the time, union claims
that could affect the business interests of the agro-export model
constituted damage to the country. Therefore, under the motto of ridding
ungrateful foreigners of the hospitality granted by the noble nation,
that law was used as a tool to combat the labor movement, in general,
and the anarchists, in particular.
This repressive perspective adopted by the State at the beginning of the
20th century manifested itself more clearly in 1910, on the occasion of
the celebrations of the Centennial of the May Revolution. As a result of
the tensions caused between the ruling party and the labor movement, the
Social Defense law was passed. This established the updating of the
mechanisms for applying the residence law, control over those arriving
in the country and the prohibition of expressing public criticism
against the government and national symbols. Its scope of application
was no longer restricted to foreigners, but those who were born in the
country and who were accused of unpatriotic activities also became
eligible for sanctions and detention. Thus, under the protection of this
law, the State harshly repressed the labor movement, sending many
detainees to the Ushuaia prison and even deporting Creoles. It became
clear that for the ruling cast the danger was not represented by the
foreigner per se, but by the set of ideas and political manifestations
raised by a large part of the working population.
The nationalist groups at that time were the expression of the most
exalted right, made up of the most concentrated of the local elite,
defenders of patriotic values by inheritance. But towards the end of the
1920s this political current began a process of transformation. In order
to challenge the hegemony of the most popular political forces,
consolidated thanks to the expansion of the electoral base during the
stage of mass democracy, nationalism began a search to expand its social
base and integrate more individuals. In order to constitute a mass
movement, they had to relegate the comfort of being made up exclusively
of individuals from the same social sector by promoting the inclusion of
people belonging to the popular sectors.
The expansion of the nationalist current during the 1930s was related to
the rise of fascist regimes in Europe, from which theoretical
postulates, modes of expression and aggressive public intervention,
often violent towards their political opponents, were imitated (see the
case of the murder of the young FORA worker, Severino Hevia, in December
1932). At the same time, a certain success can be seen within these
groups in their objectives of obtaining greater social roots, counting
among their militants a greater worker component. However, their
attempts to form new union organizations did not achieve greater
success. It could be said that the labor movement still had a leftist
profile, despite the apoliticism propagated by the unionists.
But this is where a new political element of important importance begins
to manifest itself. The majority currents of the labor movement begin to
take slogans of vernacular nationalism, especially the socialists and
unionists, but also reaching the communists in their search to ally
themselves with everyone who is not fascist. The dividing line between
social classes ceased to be an impediment to coordinating common
actions. These are times of anti-imperialist proclamations and popular
fronts against fascism. The denunciation made against the advance of
world powers seeking to impose their hegemony and the rejection of
foreign dependence led to greater concern for the defense of "national"
interests, no longer class ones. Under this new worldview, the
leadership of the CGT unions began to exalt the use of the Argentine
flag in workers' demonstrations as a symbol of unity of the population,
accepting without major concern the prohibition of public use of the
traditional red flags.
In the middle of the century, the alliance established between
nationalism (also with strong influence from the Church) and labor
organizations was consolidated in the formation of the Peronist
movement. During Perón's government, all the resources at his disposal
were used to convince the population that the social policies carried
out by the State and the consolidation of a capitalist model that was
more autonomous from foreign monopolies were aimed at returning control
to the workers. of the nation and the benefit of its economic fruits.
The worker became a central figure within the Peronist discourse, the
heir of the country. But it should be noted that this ideal worker
formulated from the government propaganda offices was not the same
historical subject that we have been mentioning. This ideal worker
maintained the conditions of being: Argentine, Catholic, educated,
consumer, obedient to the laws and the employer's provisions. That is to
say, a good employee who, with his daily efforts, contributed to the
aggrandizement of the country.
The passage from an internationalist and revolutionary idiosyncrasy to a
nationalist and reformist one was a transformation that took place, both
inside and outside the labor movement. Expressions of right or left
became more elusive in order to classify the new political movement, but
an indelible characteristic was and is its nationalism. Over the
following decades, the democratic system has modified its appearance
repeatedly in search of greater institutional incorporation of the
different social sectors. Establishing an organic link with them was
necessary to incorporate them into the system. This State policy, which
could be called "inclusion", does nothing more than confirm a historical
trend adopted by the different state structures of the world, the
subjection of the population and the totalizing tendency to intervene
and be able to control the different variables of society. .
The homeland, beyond some local cultural reminiscence, refers to the
State. And by definition the State is the organ of administration and
control of the population of a certain region, therefore, its direction
can never be in the hands of those who suffer from its oppression.
If anything is clear, it is that the success of a hegemonic discourse is
when it is incorporated and fanatically defended by those people who are
materially affected by its implications. In this sense, what we see
today, where the working class fights to defend capital or the country,
will be worthy of reflection in the near future.
The country can be sold, rented or mortgaged. It may be in the hands of
landowners, companies, armed forces, bureaucrats or foreign agents. But
the fiction lies in considering that this entelechy belongs to the
population or that it guides their destiny. As long as the dictatorship
of capital remains in force, the State will continue to be its faithful
protector, therefore, the guarantor of the submission of the population.
In the face of nationalist slogans, solidarity between the exploited.
https://organizacion-obrera.fora.com.ar/2024/03/27/el-movimiento-obrero-la-patria-y-el-nacionalismo/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
held since Javier Milei's government took office was "the country is not
for sale." This appeal to all citizens raises a sense of nationalist
identity, belonging to a community united in the support and improvement
of what is common. Understanding that private interests are going to
harm those goods, areas and symbols of collective belonging, we consider
it pertinent to review that slogan in light of the historical analysis
regarding the link developed between the workers' movement, the
different political currents of nationalism and the term homeland. .
Let's start by placing ourselves in the last decades of the 19th
century. Once the process of civil wars was overcome, the national State
made progress in consolidating its political structure and in the
effective occupation of a broader geographical space than that inherited
from the colonial administration. This expansion into indigenous
territories and the modernization of the economy led to important
demographic movements. In this regard, it is known that the makeup of
the Argentine population, and the working class in particular, was
nourished by a large component of immigrants from Europe. During the
gestation of the labor movement and the first manifestations of
revolutionary tendencies, patriotism was the cultural refuge of the
local elite against the barrage of new customs brought by immigrants,
regardless of their economic background, as well as an instrument of
social differentiation. regarding Creole workers.
As one century passed, workers' demands and greater cohesion among
unions began to generate greater concern among businessmen and
politicians. One of the measures adopted to curb the growing social
conflict was the approval of the Residency Law in 1902, a policy with
profound historical repercussions that determined the expulsion from the
country of any foreigner who was accused of being dangerous or
undesirable, that is, act against the interests of the country.
Understand that in the eyes of the legislators of the time, union claims
that could affect the business interests of the agro-export model
constituted damage to the country. Therefore, under the motto of ridding
ungrateful foreigners of the hospitality granted by the noble nation,
that law was used as a tool to combat the labor movement, in general,
and the anarchists, in particular.
This repressive perspective adopted by the State at the beginning of the
20th century manifested itself more clearly in 1910, on the occasion of
the celebrations of the Centennial of the May Revolution. As a result of
the tensions caused between the ruling party and the labor movement, the
Social Defense law was passed. This established the updating of the
mechanisms for applying the residence law, control over those arriving
in the country and the prohibition of expressing public criticism
against the government and national symbols. Its scope of application
was no longer restricted to foreigners, but those who were born in the
country and who were accused of unpatriotic activities also became
eligible for sanctions and detention. Thus, under the protection of this
law, the State harshly repressed the labor movement, sending many
detainees to the Ushuaia prison and even deporting Creoles. It became
clear that for the ruling cast the danger was not represented by the
foreigner per se, but by the set of ideas and political manifestations
raised by a large part of the working population.
The nationalist groups at that time were the expression of the most
exalted right, made up of the most concentrated of the local elite,
defenders of patriotic values by inheritance. But towards the end of the
1920s this political current began a process of transformation. In order
to challenge the hegemony of the most popular political forces,
consolidated thanks to the expansion of the electoral base during the
stage of mass democracy, nationalism began a search to expand its social
base and integrate more individuals. In order to constitute a mass
movement, they had to relegate the comfort of being made up exclusively
of individuals from the same social sector by promoting the inclusion of
people belonging to the popular sectors.
The expansion of the nationalist current during the 1930s was related to
the rise of fascist regimes in Europe, from which theoretical
postulates, modes of expression and aggressive public intervention,
often violent towards their political opponents, were imitated (see the
case of the murder of the young FORA worker, Severino Hevia, in December
1932). At the same time, a certain success can be seen within these
groups in their objectives of obtaining greater social roots, counting
among their militants a greater worker component. However, their
attempts to form new union organizations did not achieve greater
success. It could be said that the labor movement still had a leftist
profile, despite the apoliticism propagated by the unionists.
But this is where a new political element of important importance begins
to manifest itself. The majority currents of the labor movement begin to
take slogans of vernacular nationalism, especially the socialists and
unionists, but also reaching the communists in their search to ally
themselves with everyone who is not fascist. The dividing line between
social classes ceased to be an impediment to coordinating common
actions. These are times of anti-imperialist proclamations and popular
fronts against fascism. The denunciation made against the advance of
world powers seeking to impose their hegemony and the rejection of
foreign dependence led to greater concern for the defense of "national"
interests, no longer class ones. Under this new worldview, the
leadership of the CGT unions began to exalt the use of the Argentine
flag in workers' demonstrations as a symbol of unity of the population,
accepting without major concern the prohibition of public use of the
traditional red flags.
In the middle of the century, the alliance established between
nationalism (also with strong influence from the Church) and labor
organizations was consolidated in the formation of the Peronist
movement. During Perón's government, all the resources at his disposal
were used to convince the population that the social policies carried
out by the State and the consolidation of a capitalist model that was
more autonomous from foreign monopolies were aimed at returning control
to the workers. of the nation and the benefit of its economic fruits.
The worker became a central figure within the Peronist discourse, the
heir of the country. But it should be noted that this ideal worker
formulated from the government propaganda offices was not the same
historical subject that we have been mentioning. This ideal worker
maintained the conditions of being: Argentine, Catholic, educated,
consumer, obedient to the laws and the employer's provisions. That is to
say, a good employee who, with his daily efforts, contributed to the
aggrandizement of the country.
The passage from an internationalist and revolutionary idiosyncrasy to a
nationalist and reformist one was a transformation that took place, both
inside and outside the labor movement. Expressions of right or left
became more elusive in order to classify the new political movement, but
an indelible characteristic was and is its nationalism. Over the
following decades, the democratic system has modified its appearance
repeatedly in search of greater institutional incorporation of the
different social sectors. Establishing an organic link with them was
necessary to incorporate them into the system. This State policy, which
could be called "inclusion", does nothing more than confirm a historical
trend adopted by the different state structures of the world, the
subjection of the population and the totalizing tendency to intervene
and be able to control the different variables of society. .
The homeland, beyond some local cultural reminiscence, refers to the
State. And by definition the State is the organ of administration and
control of the population of a certain region, therefore, its direction
can never be in the hands of those who suffer from its oppression.
If anything is clear, it is that the success of a hegemonic discourse is
when it is incorporated and fanatically defended by those people who are
materially affected by its implications. In this sense, what we see
today, where the working class fights to defend capital or the country,
will be worthy of reflection in the near future.
The country can be sold, rented or mortgaged. It may be in the hands of
landowners, companies, armed forces, bureaucrats or foreign agents. But
the fiction lies in considering that this entelechy belongs to the
population or that it guides their destiny. As long as the dictatorship
of capital remains in force, the State will continue to be its faithful
protector, therefore, the guarantor of the submission of the population.
In the face of nationalist slogans, solidarity between the exploited.
https://organizacion-obrera.fora.com.ar/2024/03/27/el-movimiento-obrero-la-patria-y-el-nacionalismo/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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