In the 1880s, the socialist movement was plagued by anti-Semitism. He
dissociated himself from it in the 1890s. Then, in 1898-1899, with the
Dreyfus Affair, definitively classified him as reactionary, without
entirely ridding himself of his dross. What were the foundations of this
left-wing anti-Semitism? Why the initial hesitation to kill him? And how
does awareness come about? ---- In 1895, on the eve of the Dreyfus
Affair, the attitude of anarchism towards anti-Semitism was quite
similar to that of the rest of the socialist movement: doctrinally
hostile, indifferent even complacent in fact. In this 19th century which
rehashes the stereotypes of Christian Judeophobia, and where
"scientific" racialist theories are fashionable, anti-Semitism is in no
way a shameful opinion. It is even massively spread by the conservative
and Catholic press.
The historian Michel Dreyfus calculated that in 1897, its fourteen daily
newspapers reached a total of 2 million readers. Very far ahead of the
250,000 readers reached by the six left-wing republican and socialist
titles. The papist daily La Croix alone, which proclaims itself "the
most anti-Jewish in France," reaches 500,000 readers. Michel Dreyfus's
thesis is that there was no formulation of an original anti-Semitism by
socialism, but a powerful impregnation by an ambient anti-Semitism. This
is why, rather than "left-wing anti-Semitism" he preferred to speak of
"left-wing anti-Semitism"[1].
The first to politicize the old medieval Judeophobia with arguments of
his time was the fourrierist Alphonse Toussenel, who published in 1847
The Jews, Kings of the Age[2]. Writing under the July Monarchy, which
saw the rise of French capitalism, Toussenel essentially affirmed that
the era which was opening marked the triumph of the "Jewish spirit",
that is to say the arrival at power of businessmen, speculators and
bankers, of whom Baron Rothschild is the tutelary figure - and who will
be the obsessive target of anti-Semites.
Anti-Semitism is present in Auguste Blanqui, the most eminent
revolutionary leader of the 1850s-1860s, but not in a structuring way.
On the other hand, it became central to some of his disciples, notably
Gustave Tridon[3].
It was in the 1880s that this political anti-Semitism made a
breakthrough in socialist and former communard circles, through
Blanquism and Benoît Malon's La Revue sociale. The works of Gustave
Tridon, Auguste Chirac[4]and Albert Regnard[5]then gave it its
credentials. But no one will do as much as Édouard Drumont with his book
published in 1885, Jewish France[6].
Unlike the previous ones, Drumont is a staunch Catholic, and his
anti-capitalism is only superficial. His talent as a pamphleteer, on the
other hand, is much greater, and he knows how to present anti-Semitic
theses to the general public in a sensational light. His style is
scandal and excess. The bookstore success is phenomenal: 140 reissues in
two years.
Doctrinal refutation, but political indifference
Tridon, Regnard, Chirac or Drumont only construct, on a theoretical
level, a hodgepodge mixing anti-capitalism and racism - a racism where
"race", an all-purpose word, comes at the same time from blood,
religion, culture and belonging to the capitalist class. They
nonetheless elevate their anti-Semitism to the rank of political
doctrine[7]. How did the labor movement react to this doctrinal
proposal? With a shrug of the shoulders.
Throughout most of the 1880s, anarchist and socialist newspapers
officially considered anti-Semitism to be an erroneous doctrine. Not on
the basis of an anti-racist argument, but because, from their point of
view, the anti-Semites, by limiting their attacks to the Jewish fraction
of the bourgeoisie, do not designate the real target: capitalism as a whole.
That being said, anarchists and socialists do not give a bad reception
to Drumont's book: his diatribes against "Rothschild" and "Jewish
bankers" are not seen as counterproductive if they can arouse popular
revolt against capitalism in general .
The ignorance of a Jewish proletariat
The fantasy of the "Jew usurer" circulates all the more easily on the
left since the average French proletarian does not mix with Jews or
Jews. In 1882, the Consistory counted 60,000 in France, or around 0.17%
of the total population, essentially invisible because they were totally
assimilated. Well-known Jews, by necessity, belong more to the
intelligentsia and the bourgeoisie, where they are actually
over-represented: in 1892, out of 440 bosses of financial
establishments, there were 90 to 100 Jews[8]. So much so that before the
1900s, as Michel Dreyfus points out, "no thinker, no analyst imagined
that there could also be a Jewish proletariat"[9].
It was only after the Dreyfus Affair that the image of Judaism became
proletarian. Yiddish immigration from Eastern Europe will form large
contingents of tailor and hat maker workers, who will also form unions
affiliated with the CGT. In 1898, for the first time, the reality of the
Jewish proletariat was studied in a thesis published in Brussels[10].
The 1880s therefore marked both the penetration of anti-Semitism and its
highest level of acceptance within socialism. A first dissociation
occurred at the end of the Boulangist phenomenon of 1888-1889.
A drawing by Adolphe Willette for Le Courrier français, November 7, 1886.
A locomotive stamped "Israel and Co.", driven by a probable Jewish
capitalist, devastates the country. The clergy, the judiciary and the
general staff failed to stop him. Only the people (workers, peasants,
but also a soldier and a policeman), under the leadership of the
revolutions of the past, seem willing to resist. In the caption: "Sons
of France, come together to destroy this abominable machine, or you are
lost! ". Willette was a great admirer of Édouard Drumont.
First dissociation following Boulangism
An anti-parliamentary, patriotic and confusionist movement, bringing
together right and left tendencies, Boulangism reshuffles the cards
within socialism. While the "possibilists" of Brousse and Allemane
engaged in the defense of the republic, the majority of Blanquists
supported Boulanger. The Guesdists, for their part, display a rather
benevolent neutrality towards the "brav' general". As for the
anarchists, they denounce both the "Caesarism" of Boulanger and the
hypocrisy of the republic.
When Boulangism declined, from the end of 1889, it sought a second wind
by activating the anti-Semitic lever, capable of striking popular
chords, while attracting subsidies from the reactionary and clerical
aristocracy. In the absence of its exiled leader, the Boulangist general
staff then formed an alliance with the National Anti-Semitic League of
Édouard Drumont[11]. Their speakers united for a large meeting on
January 18, 1890 in Neuilly, under the slogan "war on the Jews!"» The
audience of 1,500 people is unusual: the Prince of Tarente, Prince
Poniatowski, the Duke of Luynes, the Duke of Uzès, the Count of Dion and
the Viscount of Kervéguen came to mingle with the little people of the
western suburbs[12]... The event was widely reported by the press, which
saw it as the possible birth certificate "in France, of an anti-Semitic
party like one that already exists in Germany, Austria, and Russia"[13].
While anti-Semitism had until now been, so to speak, neither left nor
right, this reactionary marking could only make it suspect in the eyes
of the revolutionaries. It is undoubtedly for this reason that, in the
1890s, anti-Semitism was identified, on the left, as a fraud. He
disappeared from La Revue sociale, and was rejected by the
anti-boulangist socialists[14].
Prejudices and stereotypes die hard
After the Boulangist episode, the anti-Semitic doctrine was therefore,
as a political project, rejected by the left. But prejudices and
stereotypes die harder. For a long time, they will still appear
sporadically, through an article, in the anarchist or socialist,
reformist and revolutionary press.
And then there is the impregnation of popular language. The words "Jew",
"youtre", "youdi" or "youpin" then commonly designate stingy people,
profiteers and exploiters, in a more or less deracialized way[15]. In a
completely symptomatic article by Father Peinard, Émile Pouget explains:
"Religion, race, there is no longer any question. The yurt is the
exploiter, the eater of proles: one can be a yutr while still being
Christian or Protestant." Just as, according to him, the word "Jesuit",
far from designating a Catholic missionary, now means, in the popular
imagination, "a vile scoundrel, a disgusting bastard, making out with
you to better strangle you"[16]. A way, no doubt, of excusing the habits
of its readership. Pouget completely renounced it when, eight years
later, he fully committed himself to the Dreyfusard camp.
Surprisingly, this semantics is conveyed including by Jewish
revolutionaries like Bernard Lazare who, in a book from 1894, strives to
establish an acrobatic distinction between "Jews" and "Israelites" - the
first term should, according to him, apply to the big bankers and
speculators, and the second to the penniless shopkeepers[17]. Lazare
goes so far as to admit that anti-Semitism can play a positive role: by
encouraging hatred of the rich, it will hasten a revolution which will
remove the capitalists and therefore the causes of anti-Semitism.
But the following year, Bernard Lazare became aware of these
ambiguities, and disowned his book[18]. During a controversy with
Drumont, he asserted that the "history of anti-Semitism in France is
only a corner of the history of the clerical party". And to regret:
"Yesterday, we specified with affectation that, under the name of Jew,
we designated the wolf-wolf of the Stock Exchange, the shady financier,
the brown broker, the one who lived on agio and predation, without
distinction of origin and cult. There were some who almost apologized
for using the word Jewish, a word, it was said, consecrated by usage and
which honest Israelites would have been wrong to show offended"[19].
Lazare, now, thinks that it is time to show offence, and to put an end
to anti-Semitism on the left. This was the time when, a pioneer of the
Dreyfus Affair, he worked tirelessly to prove the captain's innocence
and convince socialists in general, and more particularly his anarchist
comrades, to get involved. His efforts will pay off. And the Dreyfus
Affair will be the second, more fundamental moment of rejection by the
left of anti-Semitism.
Guillaume Davranche (UCL Montreuil)
This article only covers the period 1880-1898. For subsequent
developments, you should read the excellent summary by Michel Dreyfus,
L'Antisémitisme à gauche, La Découverte, 2009.
OPERATION SEDUCTION BEHIND THE BARS OF SAINTE-PÉLAGIE
A few months before the launch of the daily La Libre Parole, one of the
leaders of the anti-Semitic party, the Marquis de Morès, tried in vain
to obtain the collaboration of prominent anarchists.
Under the Third Republic, it was common for far-right and far-left
activists condemned for speeches or press articles to rub elbows in
prison under the political regime. This is how, during a stay in
Sainte-Pélagie, in 1891, the anarchists Charles Malato and Michel Zévaco
met the Marquis de Morès. This megalomaniac adventurer, hitter, baker
and then figure of the Anti-Semitic League, worked with Drumont to
launch a newspaper and longed to associate libertarian writers - the
cream of subversion! Among the names considered: Michel Zévaco, Constant
Martin, Émile Pouget and Charles Malato. This offer was rejected with
disgust by those concerned[20].
"One is called reaction, the other is revolution"
A few months later, in April 1892, the famous newspaper was born: it was
La Libre Parole, which carved out a market share by continuously
denouncing "Jewish scandals". Soon he attacks Malato by calling him an
"agent of the Jews", and more precisely of Baron Rothschild - an
obsessive target of anti-Semites.
After sending an insulting letter to Drumont, Malato executed the crook
in a book published in 1894: "to divert popular anger against the Jews
alone. Rid the Christian bank of a happy rival, make people forget the
expropriation of productive capital by burning a few scraps of paper at
Rothschild's, replace social war with religious war, pull the chestnuts
out of the fire for the clerical monarchy[...], oh well, no!» And to
draw an insurmountable line between anti-Semitism and anarchism:
"between our parties, the struggle is to the death: one is called the
reaction, the other the revolution"[21].
This assertion would be verified four years later when, when the Dreyfus
Affair tore the country apart, the anarchists violently clashed with the
anti-Dreyfusards[22].
To validate
[1]Michel Dreyfus, Anti-Semitism on the Left. History of a paradox from
1830 to the present day, La Découverte, 2009.
[2]Alphonse Toussenel, The Jews, kings of the era: history of financial
feudalism, G. de Gonet, 1847.
[3]Gustave Tridon, Jewish Molochism. Critical and philosophical studies,
Brussels, Édouard Maheu, 1884.
[4]Auguste Chirac, The Kings of the Republic. History of Jewry, P.
Arnould, 1883.
5]Albert Regnard, Aryans and Semites. The assessment of Judaism and
Christianity (compilation of articles published in La Revue sociale),
Dentu, 1890.
[6]Édouard Drumont, Jewish France, Paris, Marpon & Flammarion, 1885.
[7]Pierre-Jospeh Proudhon (1809-1865) is not listed here because his
fundamental Judeophobia remained at the stage of a feeling confined to
his private notebooks. He did not make it a political doctrine, unlike
Toussenel, Drumont and the others.
[8]Esther Benbassa, History of the Jews of France, Seuil, 2000, cited by
Dreyfus, op. cit., p. 21.
[9]Dreyfus, op. cit., p. 93.
[10]Leonty Soloweitschik, An Unsung Proletariat, study on the social and
economic situation of Jewish workers, Brussels, Henri Lamertin, 1898.
[11]Zeev Sternhell, The Revolutionary Right (1885-1914), Folio, 1997,
pp. 161-162.
[12]Grégoire Kauffmann, Édouard Drumont, Perrin, 2008, pp. 176-179.
[13]"The Jewish question", Gil Blas, January 23, 1890.
[14]Michel Dreyfus, op. cit., p. 73.
[15]Catherine Fhima, "The Left and the Jews", in History of the Left in
France, vol. 1, The Discovery, 2004.
[16]Émile Pouget, "Youtres et jesuits", Le Père Peinard, April 20, 1890.
[17]Philippe Oriol, Bernard Lazare, Stock, 2003, p. 30.
[18]Bernard Lazare, Anti-Semitism, its history and its causes, Léon
Chailley, 1894. This book, which Lazare disowned shortly after, was
recovered decades later by various anti-Semitic publishers, including
Kontre Kulture, by Alain Soral.
[19]Bernard Lazare, Against anti-Semitism (History of a controversy),
Stock, 1896.
[20]Sébastien Faure, "Sold to the Jews", Le Libertaire, June 26, 1898;
Charles Malato, From the Commune to Anarchy, Stock, 1894, p. 272.
[21]Charles Malato, op. cit., pp. 272-273.
[22]"January 1898: A first victory over the anti-Semites in the Dreyfus
affair", Alternative libertaire, January 2008.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Annees-1880-1890-Quand-l-antisemitisme-se-voulait-doctrine-sociale
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
dissociated himself from it in the 1890s. Then, in 1898-1899, with the
Dreyfus Affair, definitively classified him as reactionary, without
entirely ridding himself of his dross. What were the foundations of this
left-wing anti-Semitism? Why the initial hesitation to kill him? And how
does awareness come about? ---- In 1895, on the eve of the Dreyfus
Affair, the attitude of anarchism towards anti-Semitism was quite
similar to that of the rest of the socialist movement: doctrinally
hostile, indifferent even complacent in fact. In this 19th century which
rehashes the stereotypes of Christian Judeophobia, and where
"scientific" racialist theories are fashionable, anti-Semitism is in no
way a shameful opinion. It is even massively spread by the conservative
and Catholic press.
The historian Michel Dreyfus calculated that in 1897, its fourteen daily
newspapers reached a total of 2 million readers. Very far ahead of the
250,000 readers reached by the six left-wing republican and socialist
titles. The papist daily La Croix alone, which proclaims itself "the
most anti-Jewish in France," reaches 500,000 readers. Michel Dreyfus's
thesis is that there was no formulation of an original anti-Semitism by
socialism, but a powerful impregnation by an ambient anti-Semitism. This
is why, rather than "left-wing anti-Semitism" he preferred to speak of
"left-wing anti-Semitism"[1].
The first to politicize the old medieval Judeophobia with arguments of
his time was the fourrierist Alphonse Toussenel, who published in 1847
The Jews, Kings of the Age[2]. Writing under the July Monarchy, which
saw the rise of French capitalism, Toussenel essentially affirmed that
the era which was opening marked the triumph of the "Jewish spirit",
that is to say the arrival at power of businessmen, speculators and
bankers, of whom Baron Rothschild is the tutelary figure - and who will
be the obsessive target of anti-Semites.
Anti-Semitism is present in Auguste Blanqui, the most eminent
revolutionary leader of the 1850s-1860s, but not in a structuring way.
On the other hand, it became central to some of his disciples, notably
Gustave Tridon[3].
It was in the 1880s that this political anti-Semitism made a
breakthrough in socialist and former communard circles, through
Blanquism and Benoît Malon's La Revue sociale. The works of Gustave
Tridon, Auguste Chirac[4]and Albert Regnard[5]then gave it its
credentials. But no one will do as much as Édouard Drumont with his book
published in 1885, Jewish France[6].
Unlike the previous ones, Drumont is a staunch Catholic, and his
anti-capitalism is only superficial. His talent as a pamphleteer, on the
other hand, is much greater, and he knows how to present anti-Semitic
theses to the general public in a sensational light. His style is
scandal and excess. The bookstore success is phenomenal: 140 reissues in
two years.
Doctrinal refutation, but political indifference
Tridon, Regnard, Chirac or Drumont only construct, on a theoretical
level, a hodgepodge mixing anti-capitalism and racism - a racism where
"race", an all-purpose word, comes at the same time from blood,
religion, culture and belonging to the capitalist class. They
nonetheless elevate their anti-Semitism to the rank of political
doctrine[7]. How did the labor movement react to this doctrinal
proposal? With a shrug of the shoulders.
Throughout most of the 1880s, anarchist and socialist newspapers
officially considered anti-Semitism to be an erroneous doctrine. Not on
the basis of an anti-racist argument, but because, from their point of
view, the anti-Semites, by limiting their attacks to the Jewish fraction
of the bourgeoisie, do not designate the real target: capitalism as a whole.
That being said, anarchists and socialists do not give a bad reception
to Drumont's book: his diatribes against "Rothschild" and "Jewish
bankers" are not seen as counterproductive if they can arouse popular
revolt against capitalism in general .
The ignorance of a Jewish proletariat
The fantasy of the "Jew usurer" circulates all the more easily on the
left since the average French proletarian does not mix with Jews or
Jews. In 1882, the Consistory counted 60,000 in France, or around 0.17%
of the total population, essentially invisible because they were totally
assimilated. Well-known Jews, by necessity, belong more to the
intelligentsia and the bourgeoisie, where they are actually
over-represented: in 1892, out of 440 bosses of financial
establishments, there were 90 to 100 Jews[8]. So much so that before the
1900s, as Michel Dreyfus points out, "no thinker, no analyst imagined
that there could also be a Jewish proletariat"[9].
It was only after the Dreyfus Affair that the image of Judaism became
proletarian. Yiddish immigration from Eastern Europe will form large
contingents of tailor and hat maker workers, who will also form unions
affiliated with the CGT. In 1898, for the first time, the reality of the
Jewish proletariat was studied in a thesis published in Brussels[10].
The 1880s therefore marked both the penetration of anti-Semitism and its
highest level of acceptance within socialism. A first dissociation
occurred at the end of the Boulangist phenomenon of 1888-1889.
A drawing by Adolphe Willette for Le Courrier français, November 7, 1886.
A locomotive stamped "Israel and Co.", driven by a probable Jewish
capitalist, devastates the country. The clergy, the judiciary and the
general staff failed to stop him. Only the people (workers, peasants,
but also a soldier and a policeman), under the leadership of the
revolutions of the past, seem willing to resist. In the caption: "Sons
of France, come together to destroy this abominable machine, or you are
lost! ". Willette was a great admirer of Édouard Drumont.
First dissociation following Boulangism
An anti-parliamentary, patriotic and confusionist movement, bringing
together right and left tendencies, Boulangism reshuffles the cards
within socialism. While the "possibilists" of Brousse and Allemane
engaged in the defense of the republic, the majority of Blanquists
supported Boulanger. The Guesdists, for their part, display a rather
benevolent neutrality towards the "brav' general". As for the
anarchists, they denounce both the "Caesarism" of Boulanger and the
hypocrisy of the republic.
When Boulangism declined, from the end of 1889, it sought a second wind
by activating the anti-Semitic lever, capable of striking popular
chords, while attracting subsidies from the reactionary and clerical
aristocracy. In the absence of its exiled leader, the Boulangist general
staff then formed an alliance with the National Anti-Semitic League of
Édouard Drumont[11]. Their speakers united for a large meeting on
January 18, 1890 in Neuilly, under the slogan "war on the Jews!"» The
audience of 1,500 people is unusual: the Prince of Tarente, Prince
Poniatowski, the Duke of Luynes, the Duke of Uzès, the Count of Dion and
the Viscount of Kervéguen came to mingle with the little people of the
western suburbs[12]... The event was widely reported by the press, which
saw it as the possible birth certificate "in France, of an anti-Semitic
party like one that already exists in Germany, Austria, and Russia"[13].
While anti-Semitism had until now been, so to speak, neither left nor
right, this reactionary marking could only make it suspect in the eyes
of the revolutionaries. It is undoubtedly for this reason that, in the
1890s, anti-Semitism was identified, on the left, as a fraud. He
disappeared from La Revue sociale, and was rejected by the
anti-boulangist socialists[14].
Prejudices and stereotypes die hard
After the Boulangist episode, the anti-Semitic doctrine was therefore,
as a political project, rejected by the left. But prejudices and
stereotypes die harder. For a long time, they will still appear
sporadically, through an article, in the anarchist or socialist,
reformist and revolutionary press.
And then there is the impregnation of popular language. The words "Jew",
"youtre", "youdi" or "youpin" then commonly designate stingy people,
profiteers and exploiters, in a more or less deracialized way[15]. In a
completely symptomatic article by Father Peinard, Émile Pouget explains:
"Religion, race, there is no longer any question. The yurt is the
exploiter, the eater of proles: one can be a yutr while still being
Christian or Protestant." Just as, according to him, the word "Jesuit",
far from designating a Catholic missionary, now means, in the popular
imagination, "a vile scoundrel, a disgusting bastard, making out with
you to better strangle you"[16]. A way, no doubt, of excusing the habits
of its readership. Pouget completely renounced it when, eight years
later, he fully committed himself to the Dreyfusard camp.
Surprisingly, this semantics is conveyed including by Jewish
revolutionaries like Bernard Lazare who, in a book from 1894, strives to
establish an acrobatic distinction between "Jews" and "Israelites" - the
first term should, according to him, apply to the big bankers and
speculators, and the second to the penniless shopkeepers[17]. Lazare
goes so far as to admit that anti-Semitism can play a positive role: by
encouraging hatred of the rich, it will hasten a revolution which will
remove the capitalists and therefore the causes of anti-Semitism.
But the following year, Bernard Lazare became aware of these
ambiguities, and disowned his book[18]. During a controversy with
Drumont, he asserted that the "history of anti-Semitism in France is
only a corner of the history of the clerical party". And to regret:
"Yesterday, we specified with affectation that, under the name of Jew,
we designated the wolf-wolf of the Stock Exchange, the shady financier,
the brown broker, the one who lived on agio and predation, without
distinction of origin and cult. There were some who almost apologized
for using the word Jewish, a word, it was said, consecrated by usage and
which honest Israelites would have been wrong to show offended"[19].
Lazare, now, thinks that it is time to show offence, and to put an end
to anti-Semitism on the left. This was the time when, a pioneer of the
Dreyfus Affair, he worked tirelessly to prove the captain's innocence
and convince socialists in general, and more particularly his anarchist
comrades, to get involved. His efforts will pay off. And the Dreyfus
Affair will be the second, more fundamental moment of rejection by the
left of anti-Semitism.
Guillaume Davranche (UCL Montreuil)
This article only covers the period 1880-1898. For subsequent
developments, you should read the excellent summary by Michel Dreyfus,
L'Antisémitisme à gauche, La Découverte, 2009.
OPERATION SEDUCTION BEHIND THE BARS OF SAINTE-PÉLAGIE
A few months before the launch of the daily La Libre Parole, one of the
leaders of the anti-Semitic party, the Marquis de Morès, tried in vain
to obtain the collaboration of prominent anarchists.
Under the Third Republic, it was common for far-right and far-left
activists condemned for speeches or press articles to rub elbows in
prison under the political regime. This is how, during a stay in
Sainte-Pélagie, in 1891, the anarchists Charles Malato and Michel Zévaco
met the Marquis de Morès. This megalomaniac adventurer, hitter, baker
and then figure of the Anti-Semitic League, worked with Drumont to
launch a newspaper and longed to associate libertarian writers - the
cream of subversion! Among the names considered: Michel Zévaco, Constant
Martin, Émile Pouget and Charles Malato. This offer was rejected with
disgust by those concerned[20].
"One is called reaction, the other is revolution"
A few months later, in April 1892, the famous newspaper was born: it was
La Libre Parole, which carved out a market share by continuously
denouncing "Jewish scandals". Soon he attacks Malato by calling him an
"agent of the Jews", and more precisely of Baron Rothschild - an
obsessive target of anti-Semites.
After sending an insulting letter to Drumont, Malato executed the crook
in a book published in 1894: "to divert popular anger against the Jews
alone. Rid the Christian bank of a happy rival, make people forget the
expropriation of productive capital by burning a few scraps of paper at
Rothschild's, replace social war with religious war, pull the chestnuts
out of the fire for the clerical monarchy[...], oh well, no!» And to
draw an insurmountable line between anti-Semitism and anarchism:
"between our parties, the struggle is to the death: one is called the
reaction, the other the revolution"[21].
This assertion would be verified four years later when, when the Dreyfus
Affair tore the country apart, the anarchists violently clashed with the
anti-Dreyfusards[22].
To validate
[1]Michel Dreyfus, Anti-Semitism on the Left. History of a paradox from
1830 to the present day, La Découverte, 2009.
[2]Alphonse Toussenel, The Jews, kings of the era: history of financial
feudalism, G. de Gonet, 1847.
[3]Gustave Tridon, Jewish Molochism. Critical and philosophical studies,
Brussels, Édouard Maheu, 1884.
[4]Auguste Chirac, The Kings of the Republic. History of Jewry, P.
Arnould, 1883.
5]Albert Regnard, Aryans and Semites. The assessment of Judaism and
Christianity (compilation of articles published in La Revue sociale),
Dentu, 1890.
[6]Édouard Drumont, Jewish France, Paris, Marpon & Flammarion, 1885.
[7]Pierre-Jospeh Proudhon (1809-1865) is not listed here because his
fundamental Judeophobia remained at the stage of a feeling confined to
his private notebooks. He did not make it a political doctrine, unlike
Toussenel, Drumont and the others.
[8]Esther Benbassa, History of the Jews of France, Seuil, 2000, cited by
Dreyfus, op. cit., p. 21.
[9]Dreyfus, op. cit., p. 93.
[10]Leonty Soloweitschik, An Unsung Proletariat, study on the social and
economic situation of Jewish workers, Brussels, Henri Lamertin, 1898.
[11]Zeev Sternhell, The Revolutionary Right (1885-1914), Folio, 1997,
pp. 161-162.
[12]Grégoire Kauffmann, Édouard Drumont, Perrin, 2008, pp. 176-179.
[13]"The Jewish question", Gil Blas, January 23, 1890.
[14]Michel Dreyfus, op. cit., p. 73.
[15]Catherine Fhima, "The Left and the Jews", in History of the Left in
France, vol. 1, The Discovery, 2004.
[16]Émile Pouget, "Youtres et jesuits", Le Père Peinard, April 20, 1890.
[17]Philippe Oriol, Bernard Lazare, Stock, 2003, p. 30.
[18]Bernard Lazare, Anti-Semitism, its history and its causes, Léon
Chailley, 1894. This book, which Lazare disowned shortly after, was
recovered decades later by various anti-Semitic publishers, including
Kontre Kulture, by Alain Soral.
[19]Bernard Lazare, Against anti-Semitism (History of a controversy),
Stock, 1896.
[20]Sébastien Faure, "Sold to the Jews", Le Libertaire, June 26, 1898;
Charles Malato, From the Commune to Anarchy, Stock, 1894, p. 272.
[21]Charles Malato, op. cit., pp. 272-273.
[22]"January 1898: A first victory over the anti-Semites in the Dreyfus
affair", Alternative libertaire, January 2008.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Annees-1880-1890-Quand-l-antisemitisme-se-voulait-doctrine-sociale
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