With the polls just closed, Emanuel Macron played his last card and
dissolved the National Assembly, sending the country to the polls.Voting will take place in two rounds on 30 June and 7 July respectively.
577 deputies will have to be read, one for each electoral constituency;
to obtain an absolute majority in the National Assembly, 289 seats are
needed. Voting takes place in the first round for individual
constituencies. If the candidate does not reach an absolute majority, we
proceed to the second round in which the first two candidates who
obtained the highest number of votes participate. This electoral system
means that the data relating to the votes obtained by the party or
coalition at a national level does not necessarily correspond to that of
the sum of those elected in the individual constituencies of the
constituencies. Therefore, it is important on the one hand to choose the
candidates and that they enjoy a personal consensus, and on the other
the capacity for coalition agreements and desistance agreements, in
order to allow the preferred candidate to reach the ballot, as it is
difficult for a party or a coalition has a majority in the college
already in the first round.
And here emerges clearly a first reason for the President's tactical
plan who, faced with the certification of the decline in support for his
coalition, decided to grant a short period of time for the elections to
take place, in order to force adversaries suddenly and untested
coalitions. As is obvious, this is a long-thought-out move, before the
elections and to be implemented in the event of an electoral debacle for
the Macronian coalition.
The profound reasons for the crisis
Although Macron's second mandate in particular proved to be a failure in
many respects, the President did not need particular acumen to be aware
and confirm his failures. On the international level, his politics were
characterized by the total shipwreck of what remained of the French
empire and of Francophonie. The failure was evident, especially in
Central Africa and in the sub-Saharan area, where the various
French-speaking states, supported by France, fell one after the other,
under the pressure of coups d'état which saw the Russia and in some
cases Chinese economic influence prevail. In fact, French Africa no
longer exists and the remaining remnants of the foreign legion were not
very cordially invited to leave the various countries in which they
operated to guarantee French interests. This explains Macron's fury
against Russia in the Ukrainian war: in other words, Macron and the
French don't care a damn about Ukraine and its people, but were and are
interested instead in punishing Russia for its interference in French
former colonies and for the erosion of France's presence and
international role in Africa. What better opportunity to achieve the
goal than to make others pay the cost and Europe pay the economic cost!
As events in Africa demonstrate, however, this is a losing strategy with
no prospects, because in addition to conducting its war campaign in
Ukraine to the detriment of the people of that country, Russia has
strengthened its presence in Africa, completing the annihilation of the
French presence on the continent.
What has been reckless in foreign policy has had repercussions on the
domestic level, where despite the undoubted successes of the expansive
activities of French capitalism, which however has long had a
multinational character, having retained its name only in its
denomination, the financial cost of this policy it has deprived the
resources relating to the financing of welfare and forced the country to
make malicious and unpopular reforms.
There is no Frenchman who has forgotten the strenuous struggle of the
social forces of the left and right against the pension reform, the huge
demonstrations, the protests, the mobilisations, crushed with a
questionable constitutional practice, such as the application of the
art. 49 of the Constitution which allowed the President to impose his
own choices beyond the parliamentary vote. Like any politician, Macron
should know that sooner or later the issues come home to roost and the
bills are paid: voters have many defects, but often have an elephant's
memory when it comes to touching their pockets and their rights.
Another great mistake of the President was that of not understanding
that to endorse the choice to divert funds intended for agriculture from
the European Union budget for the financing of the Ukrainian war and at
the same time allow Ukraine's entry into the Union, leaving that its
agricultural products competed with those of French agriculture was and
is an unforgivable mistake, especially when at the same time they are
asked to respect the green policy, to leave part of the arable land
uncultivated to carry out rotation and protect the environment , to set
limits and regulate livestock farming, eliminating subsidies for
agricultural fuel and to support the many commuters forced to move to
support the economic activities of the suburbs of France, (yellow vests)
causes damage to incomes that will not be forgotten .
This lack of funds and resources has also prevented necessary
investments in the integration of emigration, but above all it has
affected the functioning of a welfare system aimed at supporting a
population of the country that has been multi-ethnic and multi-religious
for decades. In particular, the ghettoization of populations of culture
and origin from Islamic countries, today constitutes a problem that
fuels the right and worries the country, pushing it to orient its vote
against the government. In pointing out Macron's many failures, one
could continue, moving the analysis of every government activity whose
choices appear more than questionable and a harbinger of an overall
decay of the nation which has repercussions on its role in Europe and
internationally.
Game theory according to Macron
In order to remedy this disaster, the President today once again plays
the old card of the former Gaullist right, deluding himself that
referring to the National Rassemblement with the term Lepenista still
functions as an element of exclusion from the democratic game and ends
up strengthening it as a lesser evil the Macronian center during the
elections and thanks to the double shift system. But this time the game
may not succeed considering that this time the left presents itself as a
unit in the Nouveau front populaire which is gaining consensus according
to the polls and that the number of French people who intend to go to
the polls is growing, all this while Macron's grouping, Renaissance,
ranks third.
It must also be said that the yielding of the former Gaullist party and
its President Ciotti to overcome all restraint in allying themselves
with Marine Le Pen to strengthen the right goes hand in hand with those
French Jews who, frightened by support for Palestine and by Islamism
rediscover their class position on the right and rely on it to be
protected. to the most extreme right and to the grandchildren of the
torturers who accompanied their grandparents to the concentration camps
and gas chambers. What is happening demonstrates that the lessons of
history can be forgotten when an immediate and present danger knocks at
the door, making us forget what has been, but could still be, and making
a clean sweep of the profound reasons that sooner or later nevertheless
re-emerge.
Nothing will prevent the apartments at the National Rassemblement, once
the elections are over, from forgetting the support they have received
and dedicating their attention to Muslims and French Jews, remembering
that both Jews and Palestinians are, after all, Semites. They have
forgotten how Brecht said that: "First of all they came to take the
Gypsies / and I was happy, because they were stealing. Then they came to
take the Jews / and I kept quiet, because I disliked them. Then they
came to get the homosexuals, / and I was relieved, because they were
annoying to me. Then they came to get the communists, / and I didn't say
anything, because I wasn't a communist. One day they came for me, / and
there was no one left to protest."
Only after the second round will we have the true result of this
electoral confrontation and will we know if France is heading towards a
cohabitation between the monarch President and a National Assembly that
will be hostile to him, whether it is managed by the right or the left.
Both of these sides, if victorious, will not have the resources to
implement the ambitious programs they now present to counter Macron's
policy, unless they understand that their first objective is to put an
end to the war, in France as in Europe, and allocate resources that
would like to be used in rearmament and wars, in social investments and
in strengthening welfare, regardless of the priorities that each of the
two sides will give to its implementation.
In France, as elsewhere, today there is a growing problem that dominates
every other, that of the distribution of wealth, of growing
inequalities, of ever-widening pockets of poverty, of the growing
ignorance resulting from the failure of educational institutions, from
the loss of jobs resulting from company restructuring e
from technological innovation, from the crisis of health systems, from
the problems of climate change which will need to be made compatible
with the needs of production and the well-being of the population.
From this experience and this confrontation the left - starting from
France - must come out with realistic and practicable proposals, without
which it is doomed to defeat.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/06/30/la-francia-al-bivio/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten