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woensdag 31 juli 2024

WORLD WORLDWIDE EUROPE ITALY SICILIA - news journal UPDATE - (en) Italy, Sicilia Libertaria: Differentiated autonomy: Institutionalizing historical theft (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 On 19 June the Chamber definitively approved the law on Differentiated

Autonomy, published in the Official Journal on 26 June, after the
signature of the President of the Republic Mattarella, who did not
consider making any comments on it, proving himself, as a good Palermo
citizen, to be a " useless thing." ---- Now against law 26/6/2024 n. 8
the Regions governed by centre-left councils are moving (Emilia Romagna,
Tuscany, Puglia, Campania and Sardinia), oriented towards appealing to
the Constitutional Court and promoting a repeal referendum, together
with PD, Mov. 5 Stars, AVS and others.

But there are many discordances in this first phase, starting with the
opposition of the Emilia Romagna Region which on the contrary was a
supporter, precisely with its president Bonaccini, of differentiated
autonomy, and today is maintaining that the one approved does not
correspond to its idea of autonomy.

Even on the centre-right front there is no shortage of problems, in
particular in Forza Italia, due to the internal branch of the two
regional presidents of Calabria and Basilicata, currently badly blocked.

The Meloni government, which has a good electoral base in the South, has
had to exchange the Northern League's demands for the reform of
presidentialism, putting many of its southern representatives in
difficulty and changing its position completely with respect to its
aversion since 2014. The recent positions of Musumeci (minister of civil
protection and former president of the Sicilian Region) against the
president of Veneto Zaia, the timid discontent of Schifani, current
Sicilian president, could (a conditional as big as a house, given the
obsequious attitude of the classes Sicilian and southern leaders towards
those of the North and the national governments) lead to a dissent
(albeit very superficial) functional to those who are openly opposing
the "split Italy" law or the "Secession of the rich" law.

In reality we are witnessing a theater of hypocrisy staged by those
forces that have long shone for having paved the way for the most
reactionary demands of the right. This is the case of the Democratic
Party, creator, in its previous role as Democrats of the Left, of the
questionable reform of Title V of the Constitution (Amato government of
2000), confirmed with the referendum of 7 October 2001, which opened the
chasm within which from that moment on the secessionists wallowed. That
reform introduced new entities (municipalities, provinces, regions) with
which the State had to share functions, resources and powers, and was
born with the sole purpose of allowing the DS to recover electoral
consensus in the Northern regions particularly sensitive to the
"separatist" sirens of the League. Without saying that with that
modification the term Southern Italy disappeared as a geographical area
of the country characterized by socio-structural difficulties to be
supported with equalization policies, replaced by an ambiguous
"territories".

A bad idea to fool the right by descending onto its terrain: you strip
yourself of that residue of difference and strengthen reactionary
tendencies.

But the PD did not stop there: on the initiative of the president of
Emilia Romagna (recently elected in Strasbourg) in 2018-19 an attempt
was made to force the timing of the pre-Agreements between the State and
the regions on the competences to be transferred to them last, asking to
discuss 15 subjects; Lombardy and Veneto followed suit.

We can say without fear of contradiction that the center left was the
main proponent of differentiated autonomy, laying the foundations for
the non-return experienced in these two years of Meloni's government.
And part of the responsibility also goes to PD secretary Schlein, given
that the last Emilia-Romagna transitions took place under her
vice-presidency of that region.

Not even the 5 Stars came out clean: they put differentiated autonomy as
the main objective of the Conte 1 government's program with the League,
and then pushed hard towards its realization, entering into secret
negotiations with the three regions of the North, so much so that in
2019 we were one step away from approval. Then they realized the
nonsense they were doing and started to slow down.

The fact is that in the street demonstrations of recent weeks we have
not witnessed any sign of self-criticism; everyone presented themselves
as virgins, demonstrating not only their hypocrisy, but above all their
unreliability.

And on this basis they would like to drag us into a very risky
referendum since in the event of a flop it would provide an exceptional
assist to the government. And one of the flops could come from the
failure to reach the quorum, now constant in all the referendums of
recent years, given that the electorate is rightly disgusted by this
political class. Another flop could come from a not impossible defeat
resulting from the consensus that the centre-right formations currently
have. But what Viesti writes in the daily newspaper of 20/6 must be
considered: "The referendum path is much less important, due to its
timing and contents (even if this law were abolished, subsequent
agreements would remain valid)".

Then there would be the chapter on the LEP (Essential Performance
Levels), a truly squalid affair, because even in this case the
statements of principle with which the Italian laws and the Constitution
are full are destined to remain a mirage to be dusted off from time to
time. much. Let's start from the definition, quoting Treccani:

LEP (Essential Performance Level) Indicators referring to the enjoyment
of civil and social rights which must be determined and guaranteed, on
the national territory, with the function of protecting the economic
unity and social cohesion of the Republic, removing economic and social
imbalances ( solidarity federalism) and provide programmatic indications
which the Regions and local authorities must comply with, in drawing up
their budgets and carrying out the functions attributed to them.
Citizenship rights, the determination of which is the exclusive
competence of the State attributed by art. 117 of the Constitution,
essentially translate into the right of all citizens to health and
social assistance, education, social security benefits for workers, etc.

The LEP were "invented" at the time of the Bassanini law of 1997,
another passage in which administrative functions were conferred on
Regions and local authorities and public administration was reformed. It
goes without saying that they have never been implemented since then,
and today they should be the condition for differentiated autonomy to
take off. However, it is clear that a "levelling" of citizens' civil and
social rights in egalitarian terms clashes with the secession of the
rich; many hope that waiting for the definition of the Leps will keep
the law in a bain-marie; The Northern League members do not hope so, as
they are already moving to open negotiations between their regions and
the State on matters that do not contemplate the identification of the
Lep, and these trams are often secret.

In summary. There are the richer regions that want to safeguard their
privileges; but how did they become richer? To whose detriment? From the
point of view of internal geopolitical relations, certainly to the
detriment of the South; from a social point of view, to the detriment of
both the exploited southerners and locals, many of whom are the millions
of southerners forced to abandon their underdeveloped regions; and then
to the detriment of the environment, and so on. And they all try to
reinforce and institutionalize this theft. A reason alone sufficient to
say No to the filth of Calderoli and his friends.

We are for decentralization, therefore for the autonomy of the regions
and of the territories within them; we are for federalism on both large
and small scales, as an alternative to centralism. But we conceive
autonomy and federalism only as egalitarian and solidarity processes
between territories that enjoy the same opportunities. To oppose
differentiated autonomy, great popular mobilization is needed, not the
chatter and actions of an unreliable political class (now in opposition).

Pippo Gurrieri

https://www.sicilialibertaria.it/
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