Two years after the electoral victory and the formation of the
Government, the consensus towards the parties that form the right-wing
coalition shows no signs of decreasing. At most, the various electoral
deadlines - including the European elections - have seen a shift in
consensus within the coalition parties which, however, as a whole, have
maintained the support of the electorate that had voted for them. ----
The opposition as a whole, incapable of forming a coalition, is unable
to represent a credible alternative, capable of gathering the consensus
of the voters and often succumbs even in the regional elections, due to
its inability to create an alliance, even on a purely electoral level,
despite being the majority in the country.
This depends on the fact that the opposition parties totally share the
ordoliberal policy that also guides the political right and have
completely lost the genetic characteristics that allowed them to
represent the class interests of the less well-off, of the working
classes. The parties of the reformist left or so-called reformist left
are now prisoners of a narrative focused on gender rights and formal
freedoms, rather than on material needs and questions of substantial
equality, relating to the satisfaction of material and economic needs.
Having fallen into the trap of so-called liberal freedoms, they cloak
themselves in empty slogans in favor of political democracy, neglecting
real class relations and even supporting war as a solution to
international disputes. A tragic and dramatic demonstration of this is
the non-existent analysis relating to the war in Ukraine that makes an
oligarchic regime like that of Kiev a liberal democracy! All this has
created a vacuum in which the political right and the parties that are
its expression have found a way to insert themselves, proposing
themselves for the management of society and power. All this is
happening successfully, despite the fact that the right-wing coalition
has shown, at least in Italy, that it has a political class that is
inadequate to manage power, to the point that the government's action is
marked by sensational failures, continuous gaffes, communication errors,
large and small scandals, incompetence and inadequacy, so frequent that
they make anyone blush and often border on the ridiculous. Despite this,
the government appears solid and destined to last and this depends on
some factors that are worth analyzing.
The strength of the government
A first error of judgment lies in the fact of believing that this is a
right-wing government, a simple expression of a party, like Fratelli
d'Italia, which has built itself over time in the face of a progressive
deterioration of the country's numerous political parties and which has
been able, by remaining in opposition, to offer itself to the electorate
as a credible alternative for the management of the State. Nothing could
be further from the truth: this party is today the designated manager of
the politics of international economic and financial capital that has
long held power in Italy. It was chosen at the table to manage capital
accumulation in Italy in this phase, in the face of the ever-increasing
and manifest incapacity of other parties, especially those of the left
that, having adopted an ordoliberal policy, have become no longer
credible towards their own electorate and therefore unable to manage
their consent to exploitation. Proof of this is the fact that its advent
was prepared and managed by its great protector Mario Draghi, who raised it.
Before the situation worsened and in the face of the growing
ungovernability of the country, international financial capital that
manages capital accumulation in Italy found it convenient to use the
political right to proceed in the management of a restructuring of the
social classes in the country, in a delicate phase of transformation of
the international division of labor and restructuring of productive
assets at an international level.
It was a matter of managing a phase in which the manufacturing structure
of the Italian economy had to be modified, the international division of
labor was transformed, the role of the country in the European economy
was changing, the digestion assets of the global economic and social
structure of Europe and the world were changing. It was necessary to
send to the attic a large component of the working class, which had
proved to be far too combative, to tertiarize the country, to
destructure its productive structure, to transform the relationships
between classes and social classes.
To complete this profound change, it was necessary to resort to an
economic and productive restructuring capable of transforming the class
and social classes by conferring chemistry, the components industry and
manufacturing, it was necessary to take note of the need to outsource
the country's economy and above all to give life to new stratifications
of the labor market that had to be divided, segmented, dismantled into
its constituent assets, not without having made money by gradually
selling off the "family jewels". This is what the liquidator Mario
Draghi did in the 90s!
It is no coincidence that the restructuring process began in those
years, destroying the tools for defending labor and the legislation
supporting blue-collar and white-collar work, built over years of
struggle and then moving on to the systematic destruction of the
country's productive assets, dismantling the production centers one by
one, from the car to the chemical industry, and
outsourcing the country more and more. But the most radical intervention
work has concerned and concerns the very structure of work and social
classes: the realization of this project has passed through the
destruction of the very role of the union and workers' organizations, to
then segment the world of work, creating different areas of class
relations, with the working class nuclei increasingly atomized and
marginalized. The precariousness of the employment relationship has
played a role, an essential function in this project, to the point that
several labor markets have been created that are not communicating with
each other and are connected, characterized by their own laws and rules,
which determined their salary areas and boundaries functional to
defining class aggregates with often divergent and conflicting
interests. The result is that if we look at the labor market today, next
to the white-collar and blue-collar one we see a myriad of precarious
jobs dotted with specific characteristics, specific regulations and then
a large market of black and precarious labor, which can be placed in a
position just a little more favorable than the slave market, made up of
invisible workers, that is, migrants who perform illegal work, illegal
themselves, who feed a band of clandestine labor that is expanding more
and more. It is in this situation that the government can triumphantly
announce that it has achieved full employment due exclusively to the
fact that the conditions have been created so that everyone is forced to
sell their labor under the possible conditions, unless they abandon the
game, dying of hunger or deciding to emigrate, with the result that
approximately 500,000 young people abandon the country every year in
search of better and more remunerative job opportunities.
The axe of government measures on labor issues falls on this
impoverished and desperate country, resigned and prostrate, and the
financial law that the government is preparing must be placed, intended
to drain the country's resources, allowing it to continue to manage the
restructuring of productive classes and classes in order to maintain and
cohesion its social base: maximum taxation for employees, flat tax for
the self-employed, repeated amnesties for tax evaders.
An alternative is possible
For an alternative to be possible, it is not enough to criticize the
government for the inadequacy of its political class, but it is
necessary to challenge its policies on the merits, starting from
concrete facts. It is necessary to distinguish oneself starting from
foreign policy, proceeding with a severe condemnation of Israel,
followed by an embargo on any war supplies and implementing economic
sanctions that are the only ones capable of putting a stop to its
expansionist policy. Zionism must be fought like any nationalism!
It is necessary to admit that the Ukrainian war is lost and work to
negotiate peace, proposing to keep Ukraine out of Europe, as its entry
would negatively impact the very structure of the community aequis.
Having recovered resources through these positions in foreign policy,
the opposition to the government could take charge of working for the
economic and social recovery of the country by relaunching with the
resources thus found an investment policy that allows for the growth of
wages, the improvement of living and working conditions, the recovery of
efficiency of public health, the relaunch of schools, these
prerequisites for a possible different relationship between social
classes in the country, thanks to a fiscal policy that hits large
estates, through a wealth law, dedicating the resources thus found to
the hydrogeological recovery of the territory. In such a context the
mobilization against the premiership, against differentiated autonomy
would take on a significant meaning and possibility of success.
A political program with these contents is not made to be supported in
parliamentary chambers, where there are no forces to support it, but
must be supported in the streets and squares, made its own by a mass
movement that is currently absent. This movement is either promoted by
the opposition parties, who will be able to do so on condition that they
recover their credibility, especially by resolutely opposing the war, or
we must hope that it ends up sprouting autonomously in the conscience of
those who suffer the weight of the progressive deterioration of their
living conditions, even if people need to be able to hope in order to
react, while distrust and fear are bad counselors. It is necessary for
the parties of the left to remember that politics does not allow for
voids and that in the absence of political initiatives that provide
answers to the questions posed, sooner or later the subjects who take
charge of filling these voids emerge and impose themselves, perhaps
adopting authoritarian methods and tools, enemies of any form of
participation and involvement of the masses. Signals in this direction
seem to come from the possible results of the presidential elections in
the United States.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/10/30/governo-bilancio-di-due-anni/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Government, the consensus towards the parties that form the right-wing
coalition shows no signs of decreasing. At most, the various electoral
deadlines - including the European elections - have seen a shift in
consensus within the coalition parties which, however, as a whole, have
maintained the support of the electorate that had voted for them. ----
The opposition as a whole, incapable of forming a coalition, is unable
to represent a credible alternative, capable of gathering the consensus
of the voters and often succumbs even in the regional elections, due to
its inability to create an alliance, even on a purely electoral level,
despite being the majority in the country.
This depends on the fact that the opposition parties totally share the
ordoliberal policy that also guides the political right and have
completely lost the genetic characteristics that allowed them to
represent the class interests of the less well-off, of the working
classes. The parties of the reformist left or so-called reformist left
are now prisoners of a narrative focused on gender rights and formal
freedoms, rather than on material needs and questions of substantial
equality, relating to the satisfaction of material and economic needs.
Having fallen into the trap of so-called liberal freedoms, they cloak
themselves in empty slogans in favor of political democracy, neglecting
real class relations and even supporting war as a solution to
international disputes. A tragic and dramatic demonstration of this is
the non-existent analysis relating to the war in Ukraine that makes an
oligarchic regime like that of Kiev a liberal democracy! All this has
created a vacuum in which the political right and the parties that are
its expression have found a way to insert themselves, proposing
themselves for the management of society and power. All this is
happening successfully, despite the fact that the right-wing coalition
has shown, at least in Italy, that it has a political class that is
inadequate to manage power, to the point that the government's action is
marked by sensational failures, continuous gaffes, communication errors,
large and small scandals, incompetence and inadequacy, so frequent that
they make anyone blush and often border on the ridiculous. Despite this,
the government appears solid and destined to last and this depends on
some factors that are worth analyzing.
The strength of the government
A first error of judgment lies in the fact of believing that this is a
right-wing government, a simple expression of a party, like Fratelli
d'Italia, which has built itself over time in the face of a progressive
deterioration of the country's numerous political parties and which has
been able, by remaining in opposition, to offer itself to the electorate
as a credible alternative for the management of the State. Nothing could
be further from the truth: this party is today the designated manager of
the politics of international economic and financial capital that has
long held power in Italy. It was chosen at the table to manage capital
accumulation in Italy in this phase, in the face of the ever-increasing
and manifest incapacity of other parties, especially those of the left
that, having adopted an ordoliberal policy, have become no longer
credible towards their own electorate and therefore unable to manage
their consent to exploitation. Proof of this is the fact that its advent
was prepared and managed by its great protector Mario Draghi, who raised it.
Before the situation worsened and in the face of the growing
ungovernability of the country, international financial capital that
manages capital accumulation in Italy found it convenient to use the
political right to proceed in the management of a restructuring of the
social classes in the country, in a delicate phase of transformation of
the international division of labor and restructuring of productive
assets at an international level.
It was a matter of managing a phase in which the manufacturing structure
of the Italian economy had to be modified, the international division of
labor was transformed, the role of the country in the European economy
was changing, the digestion assets of the global economic and social
structure of Europe and the world were changing. It was necessary to
send to the attic a large component of the working class, which had
proved to be far too combative, to tertiarize the country, to
destructure its productive structure, to transform the relationships
between classes and social classes.
To complete this profound change, it was necessary to resort to an
economic and productive restructuring capable of transforming the class
and social classes by conferring chemistry, the components industry and
manufacturing, it was necessary to take note of the need to outsource
the country's economy and above all to give life to new stratifications
of the labor market that had to be divided, segmented, dismantled into
its constituent assets, not without having made money by gradually
selling off the "family jewels". This is what the liquidator Mario
Draghi did in the 90s!
It is no coincidence that the restructuring process began in those
years, destroying the tools for defending labor and the legislation
supporting blue-collar and white-collar work, built over years of
struggle and then moving on to the systematic destruction of the
country's productive assets, dismantling the production centers one by
one, from the car to the chemical industry, and
outsourcing the country more and more. But the most radical intervention
work has concerned and concerns the very structure of work and social
classes: the realization of this project has passed through the
destruction of the very role of the union and workers' organizations, to
then segment the world of work, creating different areas of class
relations, with the working class nuclei increasingly atomized and
marginalized. The precariousness of the employment relationship has
played a role, an essential function in this project, to the point that
several labor markets have been created that are not communicating with
each other and are connected, characterized by their own laws and rules,
which determined their salary areas and boundaries functional to
defining class aggregates with often divergent and conflicting
interests. The result is that if we look at the labor market today, next
to the white-collar and blue-collar one we see a myriad of precarious
jobs dotted with specific characteristics, specific regulations and then
a large market of black and precarious labor, which can be placed in a
position just a little more favorable than the slave market, made up of
invisible workers, that is, migrants who perform illegal work, illegal
themselves, who feed a band of clandestine labor that is expanding more
and more. It is in this situation that the government can triumphantly
announce that it has achieved full employment due exclusively to the
fact that the conditions have been created so that everyone is forced to
sell their labor under the possible conditions, unless they abandon the
game, dying of hunger or deciding to emigrate, with the result that
approximately 500,000 young people abandon the country every year in
search of better and more remunerative job opportunities.
The axe of government measures on labor issues falls on this
impoverished and desperate country, resigned and prostrate, and the
financial law that the government is preparing must be placed, intended
to drain the country's resources, allowing it to continue to manage the
restructuring of productive classes and classes in order to maintain and
cohesion its social base: maximum taxation for employees, flat tax for
the self-employed, repeated amnesties for tax evaders.
An alternative is possible
For an alternative to be possible, it is not enough to criticize the
government for the inadequacy of its political class, but it is
necessary to challenge its policies on the merits, starting from
concrete facts. It is necessary to distinguish oneself starting from
foreign policy, proceeding with a severe condemnation of Israel,
followed by an embargo on any war supplies and implementing economic
sanctions that are the only ones capable of putting a stop to its
expansionist policy. Zionism must be fought like any nationalism!
It is necessary to admit that the Ukrainian war is lost and work to
negotiate peace, proposing to keep Ukraine out of Europe, as its entry
would negatively impact the very structure of the community aequis.
Having recovered resources through these positions in foreign policy,
the opposition to the government could take charge of working for the
economic and social recovery of the country by relaunching with the
resources thus found an investment policy that allows for the growth of
wages, the improvement of living and working conditions, the recovery of
efficiency of public health, the relaunch of schools, these
prerequisites for a possible different relationship between social
classes in the country, thanks to a fiscal policy that hits large
estates, through a wealth law, dedicating the resources thus found to
the hydrogeological recovery of the territory. In such a context the
mobilization against the premiership, against differentiated autonomy
would take on a significant meaning and possibility of success.
A political program with these contents is not made to be supported in
parliamentary chambers, where there are no forces to support it, but
must be supported in the streets and squares, made its own by a mass
movement that is currently absent. This movement is either promoted by
the opposition parties, who will be able to do so on condition that they
recover their credibility, especially by resolutely opposing the war, or
we must hope that it ends up sprouting autonomously in the conscience of
those who suffer the weight of the progressive deterioration of their
living conditions, even if people need to be able to hope in order to
react, while distrust and fear are bad counselors. It is necessary for
the parties of the left to remember that politics does not allow for
voids and that in the absence of political initiatives that provide
answers to the questions posed, sooner or later the subjects who take
charge of filling these voids emerge and impose themselves, perhaps
adopting authoritarian methods and tools, enemies of any form of
participation and involvement of the masses. Signals in this direction
seem to come from the possible results of the presidential elections in
the United States.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2024/10/30/governo-bilancio-di-due-anni/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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