The modern world lives on a razor's edge. It teeters between poverty and
survival, between war and bloody "peace". The more the bankrupt system
of capitalism and the state rots, the more societies rot, the more their
moral values rot, the more humanity sinks into barbarism. ---- The
demand for "social change" seems more mature than ever. We do not mean
the "social change" as proposed by the candidate administrators of the
system, referring to supposedly "popular" and "socially beneficial"
reforms that they will be called upon to implement when they take over
the helm of government. We mean a deep and fundamental social change, a
change in the mode of production, in the social mode of organization, in
the political and state system. That is, we mean a revolutionary change,
an overthrow of the existing economic and political system based on
inequality and injustice and its replacement by a superior one, based on
equality and solidarity.
Reality is relentless and confirms the belief that a revolutionary
overthrow is historically necessary and imperative. 16 years have passed
since the outbreak of the global capitalist crisis and 14 since its
"official" manifestation in Greece with the inclusion in the support
mechanisms and the memoranda, which brought an unprecedented disaster:
armies of unemployed and self-employed people, one million immigrants,
public structures dismantled, wages and pensions in tatters,
deregulation of labor relations and as the icing on the cake,
punctuality, a structural derivative of the policies to deal with the
2020 recession, which in recent years has been dematerializing the low
incomes of the working people.
So what do we see around us, in Greece, in Europe and throughout the world?
Entire peoples are being pushed to the death of imperialist wars in
order to open up new fields of profitability for over-accumulated
capital. Millions of people in the "third world" are dying of hunger and
disease, while the working classes of the Western countries of bourgeois
democracy and "prosperity" are declining in poverty and precariousness,
deprived of even basic rights and centuries-old achievements. Capital's
profitability is expanding everywhere. From the air and water, from the
mountains and seas, from energy to the management of the "climate
crisis" that its own policies have caused. While a few people accumulate
untold wealth, those who produce it are increasingly deprived of it. The
magnitude of economic inequality has reached unprecedented levels, as
never before in history have such quantities of wealth been produced and
are in so few hands. Every aspect of social life is being turned into an
object of profit, as is all natural wealth. The totality of produced
goods is in the hands of a parasitic class that exploits and dominates
the millions of its creators.
Social change is not simply a demand of the times. It is the only way
out of barbarism. Social change means Social Revolution, it means
overthrow, it means conflict with the existing order of things, it means
the creation of a new society.
What is absent from the public debate today is the existence of a
proposal competitive with the existing system. A proposal that will
provide the vision, the orientation, the compass to the contemporary
social and class struggles, that will manage to win the heart of the
contested social majority and will create the conditions for the
development of a revolutionary overthrow movement. The absence of this
proposal was the cause of the defeat of the movements in the previous
decade, it was the main reason for the trapping of millions of people in
bourgeois politics under a leftist or "populist" guise. The absence of a
horizon, the absence of a goal, was what scattered the "futility" and
disappointment, which turned thousands of people to the couch, which
deepened the "there is no alternative" and turned many to privatization.
Beyond the absence of a counter-proposal, there was neither the plan,
nor the organized bodies that would promote even the "general idea" of
what would replace the rotten system that dominates. Because in order
for there to be a revolution that will socialize the means of production
of wealth, there must be a strong labor movement and an untutored and
organized working class that will constitute it, which will take into
its own hands the wealth it produces. Something that "spontaneous
movements" cannot achieve, although significant, but with clear limits.
For a revolution to occur, there must be structures of popular
self-management such as popular assemblies, socialized lands and
buildings, and mutual aid networks that extend to every city and
neighborhood. This cannot be achieved by disconnected structures, such
as popular assemblies led by parties or cooperative enterprises and
KINSEP in the context of a "parallel social economy" or occupations of a
cultural and often anti-social nature. For there to be a revolution,
there must also be a political conflict, for which an anarchist
political organization is necessary; there must also be a material
conflict so that the revolutionary movement is not crushed by the
murderous mechanisms of economic and political power.
If we want the struggles of the new era not to have the same outcome as
the previous ones and if we want them to exist and be strong and
victorious, then we must organize here, immediately, now. To organize in
the workplace, in the field of study, to organize in the neighborhoods.
In our opinion, a necessary factor is the strengthening of the anarchist
movement, the organization of people inspired by it, the return of the
thousands who joined its ranks in previous years, its renewal and
contact with anarchism by young workers who abhor politics and
politicians, but who must understand that without their own involvement
with politics, without themselves becoming protagonists of social
development and history, then their lives will be destroyed daily by
those who have power, wealth and privileges.
Decisions will also have to be made by those who were trapped in the
dead-end plans of the ruling or extra-parliamentary left that found
itself in the tail of bourgeois governance in the previous decade. This
decision cannot be a new entrapment, this time in the arms of the
"original Marxism" of the KKE that fought them to hegemonize them in a
series of struggles, speaking on the one hand about the "dictatorship of
the proletariat" against the "entrapment in bourgeois politics" and on
the other hand talking to the bourgeois political system as its partner,
ally and pillar.
The KKE's proposal for a "socialist state" and a "people's economy" on
the basis of "central planning" by the dictator party cannot constitute
a proposal capable of inspiring today. Not because socialist ideas in
general have been "surpassed" as bourgeois propaganda claims, nor
because the productive structure of societies has changed as its
postmodern apologists claim. But why was the model of "state socialism"
applied in a number of countries and condemned in the consciousness of
the labor movement? It led to the creation of new ruling classes, new
conditions of exploitation of workers by the state-tyrant. The socialist
or workers' state in all its bankrupt versions brought neither equality
nor communism. Because it could not, because it did not want to. Because
it ended up as the anarchists had warned since the First International
Workers' Association. The "socialist states" were nothing more than
authoritarian, authoritarian and despotic entities, in the hands of a
party dictatorship that crushed the working classes, which is why the
working classes did not defend them and let them collapse.
This proposal that may be feasible today is the proposal for anarchist
or libertarian communism, the proposal that from the beginning the labor
movements, the exploited and the oppressed should have adopted. And to
make it feasible it must be reflected in a modern revolutionary program
that will be elaborated, co-formed and implemented tomorrow by all those
who move the threads of the entire social life. This proposal must and
can become everyone's business.
We call on the workers, the unemployed, the youth, to organize.
Organization in our collective on the basis of the proposal submitted in
this paper for a new political formation, organization at the social and
class level, organization in every aspect of social life: at work, in
education, in the neighborhood and everywhere.
Barbarity or Social Revolution
Life or Survival
Resistance and Dignity or Compromise and Submission
https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/2025/02/18/pyknoste-tis-grammes-toy-organomenoy-anarchismoy-arthro-stin-quot-mayrokokkini-simaia-quot-poy-kykloforei/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
survival, between war and bloody "peace". The more the bankrupt system
of capitalism and the state rots, the more societies rot, the more their
moral values rot, the more humanity sinks into barbarism. ---- The
demand for "social change" seems more mature than ever. We do not mean
the "social change" as proposed by the candidate administrators of the
system, referring to supposedly "popular" and "socially beneficial"
reforms that they will be called upon to implement when they take over
the helm of government. We mean a deep and fundamental social change, a
change in the mode of production, in the social mode of organization, in
the political and state system. That is, we mean a revolutionary change,
an overthrow of the existing economic and political system based on
inequality and injustice and its replacement by a superior one, based on
equality and solidarity.
Reality is relentless and confirms the belief that a revolutionary
overthrow is historically necessary and imperative. 16 years have passed
since the outbreak of the global capitalist crisis and 14 since its
"official" manifestation in Greece with the inclusion in the support
mechanisms and the memoranda, which brought an unprecedented disaster:
armies of unemployed and self-employed people, one million immigrants,
public structures dismantled, wages and pensions in tatters,
deregulation of labor relations and as the icing on the cake,
punctuality, a structural derivative of the policies to deal with the
2020 recession, which in recent years has been dematerializing the low
incomes of the working people.
So what do we see around us, in Greece, in Europe and throughout the world?
Entire peoples are being pushed to the death of imperialist wars in
order to open up new fields of profitability for over-accumulated
capital. Millions of people in the "third world" are dying of hunger and
disease, while the working classes of the Western countries of bourgeois
democracy and "prosperity" are declining in poverty and precariousness,
deprived of even basic rights and centuries-old achievements. Capital's
profitability is expanding everywhere. From the air and water, from the
mountains and seas, from energy to the management of the "climate
crisis" that its own policies have caused. While a few people accumulate
untold wealth, those who produce it are increasingly deprived of it. The
magnitude of economic inequality has reached unprecedented levels, as
never before in history have such quantities of wealth been produced and
are in so few hands. Every aspect of social life is being turned into an
object of profit, as is all natural wealth. The totality of produced
goods is in the hands of a parasitic class that exploits and dominates
the millions of its creators.
Social change is not simply a demand of the times. It is the only way
out of barbarism. Social change means Social Revolution, it means
overthrow, it means conflict with the existing order of things, it means
the creation of a new society.
What is absent from the public debate today is the existence of a
proposal competitive with the existing system. A proposal that will
provide the vision, the orientation, the compass to the contemporary
social and class struggles, that will manage to win the heart of the
contested social majority and will create the conditions for the
development of a revolutionary overthrow movement. The absence of this
proposal was the cause of the defeat of the movements in the previous
decade, it was the main reason for the trapping of millions of people in
bourgeois politics under a leftist or "populist" guise. The absence of a
horizon, the absence of a goal, was what scattered the "futility" and
disappointment, which turned thousands of people to the couch, which
deepened the "there is no alternative" and turned many to privatization.
Beyond the absence of a counter-proposal, there was neither the plan,
nor the organized bodies that would promote even the "general idea" of
what would replace the rotten system that dominates. Because in order
for there to be a revolution that will socialize the means of production
of wealth, there must be a strong labor movement and an untutored and
organized working class that will constitute it, which will take into
its own hands the wealth it produces. Something that "spontaneous
movements" cannot achieve, although significant, but with clear limits.
For a revolution to occur, there must be structures of popular
self-management such as popular assemblies, socialized lands and
buildings, and mutual aid networks that extend to every city and
neighborhood. This cannot be achieved by disconnected structures, such
as popular assemblies led by parties or cooperative enterprises and
KINSEP in the context of a "parallel social economy" or occupations of a
cultural and often anti-social nature. For there to be a revolution,
there must also be a political conflict, for which an anarchist
political organization is necessary; there must also be a material
conflict so that the revolutionary movement is not crushed by the
murderous mechanisms of economic and political power.
If we want the struggles of the new era not to have the same outcome as
the previous ones and if we want them to exist and be strong and
victorious, then we must organize here, immediately, now. To organize in
the workplace, in the field of study, to organize in the neighborhoods.
In our opinion, a necessary factor is the strengthening of the anarchist
movement, the organization of people inspired by it, the return of the
thousands who joined its ranks in previous years, its renewal and
contact with anarchism by young workers who abhor politics and
politicians, but who must understand that without their own involvement
with politics, without themselves becoming protagonists of social
development and history, then their lives will be destroyed daily by
those who have power, wealth and privileges.
Decisions will also have to be made by those who were trapped in the
dead-end plans of the ruling or extra-parliamentary left that found
itself in the tail of bourgeois governance in the previous decade. This
decision cannot be a new entrapment, this time in the arms of the
"original Marxism" of the KKE that fought them to hegemonize them in a
series of struggles, speaking on the one hand about the "dictatorship of
the proletariat" against the "entrapment in bourgeois politics" and on
the other hand talking to the bourgeois political system as its partner,
ally and pillar.
The KKE's proposal for a "socialist state" and a "people's economy" on
the basis of "central planning" by the dictator party cannot constitute
a proposal capable of inspiring today. Not because socialist ideas in
general have been "surpassed" as bourgeois propaganda claims, nor
because the productive structure of societies has changed as its
postmodern apologists claim. But why was the model of "state socialism"
applied in a number of countries and condemned in the consciousness of
the labor movement? It led to the creation of new ruling classes, new
conditions of exploitation of workers by the state-tyrant. The socialist
or workers' state in all its bankrupt versions brought neither equality
nor communism. Because it could not, because it did not want to. Because
it ended up as the anarchists had warned since the First International
Workers' Association. The "socialist states" were nothing more than
authoritarian, authoritarian and despotic entities, in the hands of a
party dictatorship that crushed the working classes, which is why the
working classes did not defend them and let them collapse.
This proposal that may be feasible today is the proposal for anarchist
or libertarian communism, the proposal that from the beginning the labor
movements, the exploited and the oppressed should have adopted. And to
make it feasible it must be reflected in a modern revolutionary program
that will be elaborated, co-formed and implemented tomorrow by all those
who move the threads of the entire social life. This proposal must and
can become everyone's business.
We call on the workers, the unemployed, the youth, to organize.
Organization in our collective on the basis of the proposal submitted in
this paper for a new political formation, organization at the social and
class level, organization in every aspect of social life: at work, in
education, in the neighborhood and everywhere.
Barbarity or Social Revolution
Life or Survival
Resistance and Dignity or Compromise and Submission
https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/2025/02/18/pyknoste-tis-grammes-toy-organomenoy-anarchismoy-arthro-stin-quot-mayrokokkini-simaia-quot-poy-kykloforei/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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