A new generation of Koreans is emerging on the economic and social
scene: they no longer identify with the "dictatorship/democracy"
dichotomy, and accept neither "sacrifice for economic growth" nor
"sacrifice for the poor." This generation is accompanying the political
emergence of new currents (such as the rise of libertarianism or fascist
groups), but also brings the possibility of building a more libertarian
and socialist current. And the December 2024 coup could be the trigger.
Since the end of the dictatorship in 1987, Korea[1]has been divided
between the conservative right[2]and the pro-democracy faction[3]. After
an economic crisis in 1996, both parties agreed to attack workers'
rights. In this context, the Korean labor movement remained weak,
despite the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU)'s attempt to
instigate a general strike. Ultimately, the parliamentary line was
favored with the creation of labor parties supported by the union
movement, but it achieved no greater success. It was the emergence of a
new generation that shook the 1987 system. December 3, 2024, marked a
turning point.
The Coup and Its Consequences
Elected in 2022, President Yoon Suk-Yeol, who emerged from the remnants
of the dictatorship, vetoed twenty-five bills in his two and a half
years in office, while the opposition party attempted to dismiss
twenty-three ministers. The government was paralyzed. Evidence of Yoon
and his wife's corruption emerged, prompting some factions of the ruling
party to consider siding with the opposition's investigation. Subsequent
investigations revealed that Yoon had already been preparing for a coup
as early as early 2024. Shortly before this event, political activities
and popular protests were met with increasingly violent repression.
On the night of December 3, Yoon declared martial law, deploying units
to Seoul, while the military simultaneously took control of the National
Election Commission (NEC).[4]Further investigations revealed that a
special forces unit tasked with infiltrating North Korea disguised
itself as North Korean military personnel and attempted to stage a false
flag attack near the National Assembly. It was also discovered that Yoon
had planned a preemptive strike in response to a North Korean
provocation as justification for imposing martial law.
However, on the night martial law was declared, organized workers and
the masses poured into the streets, blocking state forces. The mobilized
soldiers refused to use force, while lawmakers gathered at the National
Assembly to pass a resolution repealing martial law. In the early hours
of December 4, Yoon had no choice but to accept the resolution.
Protests in South Korea after the impeachment
Anarchist Yondae
The next day, the impeachment proceedings began. Massive demonstrations
demanding the immediate resignation of the head of state erupted in
major cities. The KCTU declared a general strike. The Hyundai Motor
Union organized an illegal one-day strike, and starting on December 6,
rail and subway workers joined the movement. Telecommunications
engineers from the Public Service and Transportation Union (KPTU) also
adjusted their wage strike to align with the fight for the president's
resignation. Other organized workers gradually intensified their
participation in the movement through strikes.
On December 7, the first impeachment motion was presented to the
Assembly. Conservatives attempted to block the vote by boycotting it.
One and a half million protesters gathered in the streets while the vote
was being broadcast live and physically prevented the conservatives from
leaving, demanding the motion pass. Despite this, the impeachment motion
was defeated.
Outrage escalated. More and more people took to the streets and took
control of the Assembly area. On December 14, a second impeachment vote
was held, and conservative forces defected, and Yoon was officially
suspended from his post.
Yet Yoon refused to surrender. While awaiting his impeachment trial, he
intensified his fascist propaganda, adopted Trump's tactics, and spread
conspiracy theories about election fraud. He claimed that pro-North
Korean, pro-Chinese, and anti-state forces had hacked into the NEC's
servers, orchestrating the opposition's landslide election victory to
seize control of the assembly and paralyze the government. According to
him, the declaration of martial law was a "warning to the people" and an
"enlightening act to reveal the truth." Far-right groups reacted
violently to his incitement.
In response, the masses took to the streets and demanded Yoon's
immediate arrest. On December 21, farmers drove their tractors toward
the presidential residence, clashing with police for 28 hours until the
authorities were forced to withdraw.
Protest in South Korea after the impeachment
Anarchist Yondae
Prosecutors and police arrested Yoon. However, on January 3, far-right
protesters gathered in front of the presidential residence, blocking the
execution of the arrest warrant. In response, the KCTU declared a
"people's arrest" and organized a three-day, continuous protest in front
of the residence.
Ultimately, Yoon was arrested. His detention and impeachment trial were
mere formalities, creating the illusion that the system was simply
executing the will of the people.
The Sacred Union of Trade Unionism and K-pop
As with all successful struggles, the fight to oust Yoon was led
primarily by the unorganized masses. Among them, the "lightstick
brigades" (K-pop music fans) took to the streets. Holding their idols'
promotional merchandise as symbols of resistance, they formed massive
processions of millions, filling the squares.
However, what distinguished the unorganized masses in this struggle from
previous movements was their attitude toward organized forces (or
politically conscious groups). In past Korean struggles, the masses
often rejected organized forces, feeling uncomfortable with what
appeared to be attempts at leadership or indoctrination.
Yet, in the struggle against Yoon, one of the defining slogans was: "The
KCTU must clear the way." The KCTU gained credibility through its
leadership in the struggle against Yoon. More importantly, it knew how
to firmly resist state violence-a crucial skill for resisting police
repression. This ability enabled the KCTU to "clear the way," and in
turn, the unorganized masses placed their trust in it. Deeply moved by
its new "lightstick comrades," the KCTU is now planning various
initiatives to work with them.
Protest in South Korea after the impeachment
Anarchist Yondae
However, while this mass-driven approach is encouraging, it also raises
concerns. History has shown that spontaneous mass struggles, despite
their immense power, often dissipate as quickly as they are created. We
have seen movements exalted by their mass appeal but gradually diluted
in their radicalism. We softened our language because the masses found
it uncomfortable, and toned down the intensity of the struggle because
they found it frightening. But by blurring our lines to meet these
expectations, we weaken our ability to maintain momentum. We must engage
with the masses without compromising our clarity.
Avoiding the Pitfalls of the Past
Seven years ago, a mass struggle in South Korea led to the impeachment
of a president. Yet the fruits of that struggle ultimately benefited the
democratization faction and the regime it built. As Marx wrote, quoting
Hegel, in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon: "All the great
facts and personages of world history appear, so to speak, twice." Once
again, a conservative dictatorial regime has descended into corruption.
Once again, it has repressed mass movements. Once again, it has faced
resistance. But this time, it went so far as to declare a ludicrous
martial law and attempt a coup d'état-a rebellion that collapsed in four
hours under the weight of the system it sought to control. And now the
system seeks to reestablish itself, as it has done before.
But, Marx continues, "the first time as a tragedy, the second time as a
farce." Unlike seven years ago, the system now handles crises with
absurdity. On December 7, the first impeachment vote was rejected
because the conservative-dictatorial forces refused even the minimal
compromises necessary to preserve the system. On January 3, the
presidential arrest attempt failed, as Yoon's security team barricaded
themselves in with firearms. With the military and police nearly drawn
into a civil war over Yoon's arrest, the system was clearly on the verge
of collapse. Then, after the arrest, the fascists stormed the courthouse
and demanded the execution of the "communist judge" who had issued the
arrest warrant.
The existing system is desperately struggling to survive. The coup
leader is imprisoned, and his bodyguards ultimately chose to comply with
the law rather than resist a "legitimate" arrest warrant-presenting
themselves as "democratic citizens." The fascists who stormed the court
have all been arrested and face ten years in prison for rioting. The
Constitutional Court will uphold the impeachment, and in the upcoming
snap elections, the pro-democratization faction will undoubtedly achieve
a landslide victory. Most likely, as the ultimate form of preservation
of such a functioning system, it will push for constitutional reform.
The guardians of the system will attempt to restore the pre-martial law
world to an era of compromise and coalition politics, maintaining a form
of prudent balance.
But can they? Or rather, should we allow it?
A stepping stone to revolution?
Some say that centrist politics is in crisis. The system based on
compromise and coalition politics has persisted since the end of the
Cold War in some places, since the fall of the Berlin Wall in others,
since 1968 elsewhere, and since 1987 in South Korea. But now it is said
to be collapsing. The chaos unleashed by this martial law is, for us, a
glimpse of the fall of this system.
This way of ruling the country has long been maintained; today it is
trembling. For us, this signals the emergence of a revolutionary
situation. In a world of coalitions and compromises, we have organized
mass movements in a safe and therefore, to a certain extent, harmless
manner. But now, as this world is collapsing, we must seriously
reconsider what kind of struggle we can and should organize. This time,
we cannot afford to lose.
At the very least, we must ensure that our libertarian current emerges
stronger from this struggle. To achieve this, we must consolidate our
presence, integrate ourselves into the masses, organize ourselves, and
fight.
Anarchist Yondae (UCL sister organization in Korea)
Submit
[1]When the article refers to Korea, it focuses on South Korea: we have
chosen a literal translation based on the original statement written in
Korean.
[2]Today embodied by the "Power to the Nationals" party.
[3]Generic name designating all the parties that led to the creation of
the current Minju Party.
[4]Independent institution responsible for ensuring the holding of free
and fair elections.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Coree-du-Sud-Les-luttes-populaires-contre-le-coup-d-Etat
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
scene: they no longer identify with the "dictatorship/democracy"
dichotomy, and accept neither "sacrifice for economic growth" nor
"sacrifice for the poor." This generation is accompanying the political
emergence of new currents (such as the rise of libertarianism or fascist
groups), but also brings the possibility of building a more libertarian
and socialist current. And the December 2024 coup could be the trigger.
Since the end of the dictatorship in 1987, Korea[1]has been divided
between the conservative right[2]and the pro-democracy faction[3]. After
an economic crisis in 1996, both parties agreed to attack workers'
rights. In this context, the Korean labor movement remained weak,
despite the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU)'s attempt to
instigate a general strike. Ultimately, the parliamentary line was
favored with the creation of labor parties supported by the union
movement, but it achieved no greater success. It was the emergence of a
new generation that shook the 1987 system. December 3, 2024, marked a
turning point.
The Coup and Its Consequences
Elected in 2022, President Yoon Suk-Yeol, who emerged from the remnants
of the dictatorship, vetoed twenty-five bills in his two and a half
years in office, while the opposition party attempted to dismiss
twenty-three ministers. The government was paralyzed. Evidence of Yoon
and his wife's corruption emerged, prompting some factions of the ruling
party to consider siding with the opposition's investigation. Subsequent
investigations revealed that Yoon had already been preparing for a coup
as early as early 2024. Shortly before this event, political activities
and popular protests were met with increasingly violent repression.
On the night of December 3, Yoon declared martial law, deploying units
to Seoul, while the military simultaneously took control of the National
Election Commission (NEC).[4]Further investigations revealed that a
special forces unit tasked with infiltrating North Korea disguised
itself as North Korean military personnel and attempted to stage a false
flag attack near the National Assembly. It was also discovered that Yoon
had planned a preemptive strike in response to a North Korean
provocation as justification for imposing martial law.
However, on the night martial law was declared, organized workers and
the masses poured into the streets, blocking state forces. The mobilized
soldiers refused to use force, while lawmakers gathered at the National
Assembly to pass a resolution repealing martial law. In the early hours
of December 4, Yoon had no choice but to accept the resolution.
Protests in South Korea after the impeachment
Anarchist Yondae
The next day, the impeachment proceedings began. Massive demonstrations
demanding the immediate resignation of the head of state erupted in
major cities. The KCTU declared a general strike. The Hyundai Motor
Union organized an illegal one-day strike, and starting on December 6,
rail and subway workers joined the movement. Telecommunications
engineers from the Public Service and Transportation Union (KPTU) also
adjusted their wage strike to align with the fight for the president's
resignation. Other organized workers gradually intensified their
participation in the movement through strikes.
On December 7, the first impeachment motion was presented to the
Assembly. Conservatives attempted to block the vote by boycotting it.
One and a half million protesters gathered in the streets while the vote
was being broadcast live and physically prevented the conservatives from
leaving, demanding the motion pass. Despite this, the impeachment motion
was defeated.
Outrage escalated. More and more people took to the streets and took
control of the Assembly area. On December 14, a second impeachment vote
was held, and conservative forces defected, and Yoon was officially
suspended from his post.
Yet Yoon refused to surrender. While awaiting his impeachment trial, he
intensified his fascist propaganda, adopted Trump's tactics, and spread
conspiracy theories about election fraud. He claimed that pro-North
Korean, pro-Chinese, and anti-state forces had hacked into the NEC's
servers, orchestrating the opposition's landslide election victory to
seize control of the assembly and paralyze the government. According to
him, the declaration of martial law was a "warning to the people" and an
"enlightening act to reveal the truth." Far-right groups reacted
violently to his incitement.
In response, the masses took to the streets and demanded Yoon's
immediate arrest. On December 21, farmers drove their tractors toward
the presidential residence, clashing with police for 28 hours until the
authorities were forced to withdraw.
Protest in South Korea after the impeachment
Anarchist Yondae
Prosecutors and police arrested Yoon. However, on January 3, far-right
protesters gathered in front of the presidential residence, blocking the
execution of the arrest warrant. In response, the KCTU declared a
"people's arrest" and organized a three-day, continuous protest in front
of the residence.
Ultimately, Yoon was arrested. His detention and impeachment trial were
mere formalities, creating the illusion that the system was simply
executing the will of the people.
The Sacred Union of Trade Unionism and K-pop
As with all successful struggles, the fight to oust Yoon was led
primarily by the unorganized masses. Among them, the "lightstick
brigades" (K-pop music fans) took to the streets. Holding their idols'
promotional merchandise as symbols of resistance, they formed massive
processions of millions, filling the squares.
However, what distinguished the unorganized masses in this struggle from
previous movements was their attitude toward organized forces (or
politically conscious groups). In past Korean struggles, the masses
often rejected organized forces, feeling uncomfortable with what
appeared to be attempts at leadership or indoctrination.
Yet, in the struggle against Yoon, one of the defining slogans was: "The
KCTU must clear the way." The KCTU gained credibility through its
leadership in the struggle against Yoon. More importantly, it knew how
to firmly resist state violence-a crucial skill for resisting police
repression. This ability enabled the KCTU to "clear the way," and in
turn, the unorganized masses placed their trust in it. Deeply moved by
its new "lightstick comrades," the KCTU is now planning various
initiatives to work with them.
Protest in South Korea after the impeachment
Anarchist Yondae
However, while this mass-driven approach is encouraging, it also raises
concerns. History has shown that spontaneous mass struggles, despite
their immense power, often dissipate as quickly as they are created. We
have seen movements exalted by their mass appeal but gradually diluted
in their radicalism. We softened our language because the masses found
it uncomfortable, and toned down the intensity of the struggle because
they found it frightening. But by blurring our lines to meet these
expectations, we weaken our ability to maintain momentum. We must engage
with the masses without compromising our clarity.
Avoiding the Pitfalls of the Past
Seven years ago, a mass struggle in South Korea led to the impeachment
of a president. Yet the fruits of that struggle ultimately benefited the
democratization faction and the regime it built. As Marx wrote, quoting
Hegel, in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon: "All the great
facts and personages of world history appear, so to speak, twice." Once
again, a conservative dictatorial regime has descended into corruption.
Once again, it has repressed mass movements. Once again, it has faced
resistance. But this time, it went so far as to declare a ludicrous
martial law and attempt a coup d'état-a rebellion that collapsed in four
hours under the weight of the system it sought to control. And now the
system seeks to reestablish itself, as it has done before.
But, Marx continues, "the first time as a tragedy, the second time as a
farce." Unlike seven years ago, the system now handles crises with
absurdity. On December 7, the first impeachment vote was rejected
because the conservative-dictatorial forces refused even the minimal
compromises necessary to preserve the system. On January 3, the
presidential arrest attempt failed, as Yoon's security team barricaded
themselves in with firearms. With the military and police nearly drawn
into a civil war over Yoon's arrest, the system was clearly on the verge
of collapse. Then, after the arrest, the fascists stormed the courthouse
and demanded the execution of the "communist judge" who had issued the
arrest warrant.
The existing system is desperately struggling to survive. The coup
leader is imprisoned, and his bodyguards ultimately chose to comply with
the law rather than resist a "legitimate" arrest warrant-presenting
themselves as "democratic citizens." The fascists who stormed the court
have all been arrested and face ten years in prison for rioting. The
Constitutional Court will uphold the impeachment, and in the upcoming
snap elections, the pro-democratization faction will undoubtedly achieve
a landslide victory. Most likely, as the ultimate form of preservation
of such a functioning system, it will push for constitutional reform.
The guardians of the system will attempt to restore the pre-martial law
world to an era of compromise and coalition politics, maintaining a form
of prudent balance.
But can they? Or rather, should we allow it?
A stepping stone to revolution?
Some say that centrist politics is in crisis. The system based on
compromise and coalition politics has persisted since the end of the
Cold War in some places, since the fall of the Berlin Wall in others,
since 1968 elsewhere, and since 1987 in South Korea. But now it is said
to be collapsing. The chaos unleashed by this martial law is, for us, a
glimpse of the fall of this system.
This way of ruling the country has long been maintained; today it is
trembling. For us, this signals the emergence of a revolutionary
situation. In a world of coalitions and compromises, we have organized
mass movements in a safe and therefore, to a certain extent, harmless
manner. But now, as this world is collapsing, we must seriously
reconsider what kind of struggle we can and should organize. This time,
we cannot afford to lose.
At the very least, we must ensure that our libertarian current emerges
stronger from this struggle. To achieve this, we must consolidate our
presence, integrate ourselves into the masses, organize ourselves, and
fight.
Anarchist Yondae (UCL sister organization in Korea)
Submit
[1]When the article refers to Korea, it focuses on South Korea: we have
chosen a literal translation based on the original statement written in
Korean.
[2]Today embodied by the "Power to the Nationals" party.
[3]Generic name designating all the parties that led to the creation of
the current Minju Party.
[4]Independent institution responsible for ensuring the holding of free
and fair elections.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Coree-du-Sud-Les-luttes-populaires-contre-le-coup-d-Etat
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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