This May 2025, anarkismo.net celebrates two decades as a global hub for
organized anarchism. It was initially proposed as an internationaljournal of the libertarian communist or anarcho-communist movement. From
this perspective, the initiative evolved into a multilingual website
launched on May 1, 2005. The history of anarkismo.net reflects the
trajectory of the movement as a whole.
Today, with more than 15,000 articles in 10 languages, anarkismo.net
remains a living archive and a space for those building popular power
from below. As Nestor McNab wrote in 2005: "We are not an international,
but a tool for struggles to breathe and meet."
Miguel G. Gómez (@BlackSpartak)
Alternative unionism and the first contact
The first "black thread" in our entire history. In the 1990s, several
anarcho-communist organizations existed: Organisation Socialiste
Libertaire (OSL, Switzerland), OSL Argentina, Alternative Libertaire
(France),[1]Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchistici (FdCA,
Italy),[2]Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU),[3]among others. They had
been operating since the previous decade and maintained contact with
each other.
Of this series of organizations, it is worth highlighting French
anarcho-communism, which emerged in the 1950s. At that time, it featured
the Libertarian Communist Federation and prominent theorists such as
Georges Fontenis and later Daniel Guérin, as well as organizations such
as the Moviment Communiste Libertaire, the Organisation Revolutionaire
Anarchiste and the Organisation Communiste Libertaire (OCL).
Organizations and journals of this movement had emerged over time,
reaching the 1990s with great prestige in the European anarchist
movement. Similarly, we can highlight Swiss and Italian
anarcho-communism, which ran parallel, but without the same strength as
their French counterpart.
In Latin America, the Uruguayan FAU was the most prominent organization
due to its revolutionary trajectory and its resistance to the
dictatorship. We again find an organization born in the 1950s, which
achieved great importance in the 1960s and 1970s. After a few years of
being swept away by repression, it managed to reorganize itself in the
mid-1980s. Not only that, but due to its political work, it influenced
other Latin American groups, as we will see later.
Returning to the main story, in the early 1990s, European organizations
also had militants in the so-called "alternative unionism," some holding
organizational positions. Therefore, some militants had the opportunity
to meet each other personally through alternative union meetings. One of
those militants in Spain was José María Olaizola. Throughout the 1990s,
he served as Secretary of International Relations for the CGT-E and,
between 1993 and 2001, as its Secretary General. At that time, the CGT's
goal was to build an international. In his own words:[4]
"This intervention had the purpose of creating both an
anarcho-syndicalist and alternative international and a libertarian,
anarchist international, and for the two to form an international
libertarian movement. In this endeavor, the CGT initiated and
participated in many initiatives. There was a lot of travel, a lot of
personal contact."
In specific organizations, it is necessary to differentiate between the
political and social or union components (often referred to as
"fronts"). In the case of trade unionism, specific militants acted
through social or union fronts and, because they were strong militants,
they often obtained organizational positions in the unions in which they
participated.
The first meeting of alternative unionism was organized in Barcelona by
the CGT-E in November 1991. From that moment on, contacts developed with
the French SUD-Solidaires union,[5]Unicobas Italy,[6]the Swedish
SAC,[7]and other grassroots unions, all of them quite small.
"We organized the first meeting of alternative unionism in Barcelona on
November 29, 30, and December 1, 1991, with French SUD unions, in which
AL militants participated, such as Patrice Spadoni, a well-known
platformist militant with whom we had an ongoing relationship, and then
Laurent Esquerre of AL as well. I knew French anarchists due to my exile
in Paris. Also present were the CGT of Correcteurs, a very powerful
French union run by anarchists of different branches, in which Jacky
Toublet was a very prominent militant member of the FA; the CRT of
Switzerland[8], where Arístides Pedraza of the Swiss OSL was present;
Italian and Basque unions, one English and one Russian, both very small;
and the Swedish SAC, which was always reluctant to let anyone want to
create a new international; and among the Italians was Unicobas (Stefano
D'Errico, its general secretary). Incidentally, both Emili Cortavitarte
and Chema Berro played an important role in this meeting. acting as
coordinators of the meeting, representing the CGT."[9]
In 1995, an international libertarian meeting was held in Ruesta, a town
in Aragon ceded to the CGT-E. French, Italian, Swiss, Polish, and other
anarchist militants attended. Ruesta was important for establishing
personal ties internationally.
Ruesta saw significant participation from members of Alternative
Libertaire and OSL (Switzerland), perhaps because they viewed it as the
French organization's summer camp. In smaller numbers also attended a
few members from the FdCA, the Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland),
Al-Badil al-Tahriri (Lebanon; its name in Arabic means Libertarian
Alternative), and the Polish Anarchist Federation.[10]Regarding trade
unionism, the majority of participants were from the CGT and SUD,
although there were also people from Solidaridad Obrera (Spain) and SAC
(Sweden).
From then on, these organisations and their delegates met at other
international events such as the European marches against unemployment,
counter-summits and alter-globalisation protests, such as those in Nice
(2000), Barcelona (2001) or Genoa (2001), as well as at other meetings
promoted by alternative trade unionism - that is, CGT-E, SUD-Solidaires,
Unicobas, SAC, Solidaridad Obrera... - where they formed libertarian
blocks. Olaizola continues:
"From here, a group emerged in practice, not just on paper, and we
worked together because we had a common strategic vision, moving away
from sectarianism. Jacky, Aristides, Stefano, then Gerard Mêlinand
(French CNT from OCL...) joined, and later Juan Carlos Mechoso (FAU):
all of them great friends and mentors for me.[...]"
"We had an excellent relationship with the Italian platformist FdCA:
Saberio Craparo, Donato Romito, Adriana Dadá, and Gianni Cimbalo, all
great friends. I was involved in all this turmoil, and we met periodically."
The Uruguayans add that these contacts were not at all casual. Many of
the trips abroad were organic: they were decided by the organization.
"If personal trips were appropriate, connections were sought more
organically rather than spontaneously."[11]Some of these trips could
last months, turning into long stays for political exchange.
On May 1, 2000, the French CNT (also known as "Vignoles") organized the
"Un Autre Futur" days. The events were supported by Alternative
Libertaire and the Federation Anarchiste and served to unite French
anarchism. Some 6,000 people attended the demonstration behind the CNT
banner, a near-historical milestone.
But those events also served as a meeting point for libertarian
syndicalist organizations: CNT-F, SAC, Unicobas, Industrial Workers of
the World, FAU (Germany), RKAS (Ukraine), Democratic Confederation of
Labor (Morocco) and SKT (Siberia)[12]and other countries.[13]And again,
they were also a place of socialization for French, Italian, and Irish
anarcho-communist militants.
In all these cases, when we talk about making contact at the political
level, it's not just a matter of coincidentally meeting at an event or
exchanging messages online. In many cases, it was about traveling to a
place, living together, and establishing personal connections, absorbing
what was happening there and debating-especially debating-and learning
to transfer it back to one's place of origin... and then debating again.
Personal connections were central to this entire process.
Platformism on the Internet
The second "black thread" is related to the greater connectivity
provided by technology. At the dawn of the internet, several
anarchist-leaning websites emerged: A-infos, Infoshop, Spunk, and a few
others, which emerged in the 1990s. One of those websites was that of
the Irish platformist organization Workers Solidarity Movement
(WSM)[14]. In just a few years, hundreds of classic texts on the history
of anarchism and the anarcho-communist or platformist movement and
theory were uploaded to the internet. This movement gained a significant
following around the world. Later, they redesigned the website and put
it online under the domain struggle.ws, leaving the WSM website for
texts related to the organization itself. This dissemination and
training work would soon bear fruit with the creation of a South African
organization, the Workers Solidarity Front (WSF), inspired by its Irish
sister organization.
Shortly before 2000, both organizations (or members of both) created the
"Anarchist Platform" mailing list. In their presentation, they clearly
identified the type of members they were addressing:[15]
We identify as anarchists and with the "Platformist" tradition within
anarchism, which includes groups and publications such as "The
Organizational Platform of Libertarian Communists," the "Friends of
Durruti," and the "Manifesto of Libertarian Communism." We broadly
identify with the organizational practices defended by this tradition,
though not necessarily with everything they did or said. In other words,
it is a starting point for our politics, not an end point.
The mailing list's opening document bears a strong resemblance to the
one that would later be published by anarkismo.net. It is typical for
political organizations to issue a "points of unity" document or a
"mission statement" that explains the organization's basic policies.
We can also see that they considered their references to be the 1926
Platform of the Delo Truda group; the Friends of Durruti of the Spanish
Revolution; and the Manifesto written by Georges Fontenis in 1953. These
three texts emphasize the need for a powerful, specific anarchist
organization that will articulate the anarchist militancy that
intervenes in mass organizations. Ultimately, these social organizations
are the ones that will bring the Social Revolution. These are the same
texts that FdCA claimed on its 30th anniversary, celebrated in 2016.[16]
The South African ZACF (also known as Zabalaza)[17](created shortly
after the dissolution of the WSF) was also inspired by the same texts,
which it considered its fundamental references. Years later, it would
add to the list the text "Social Anarchism and Organization," published
by the Brazilian organization FARJ after its first congress in 2008.[18]
The mailing list, as we can see, brought together activists from all
over the world, although predominantly from the English-speaking world.
The list was used to convene an in-person meeting of platformist
organizations held in Genoa in 2001, during the alterglobalization
counter-summit, at the initiative of the Italian organization.[19]
We should add that in April 2001, the summit of heads of state of the
countries of the American continent was held in Quebec, Canada. For the
occasion, an "International Declaration of Libertarian Communists" was
published, which attacked capitalist globalization and concluded its
statement by calling for the construction of a libertarian socialist
society. Among the signatories were several platformist organizations
(NEFAC, WSM, ORA-S Czech Republic, OCL-France, OSL Argentina,
Alternative Libertaire of France and its Lebanese counterpart) along
with anarcho-syndicalist organizations from the IWA and specific
synthesis organizations. This was an exception, as these currents would
rarely come together again.[20]
International Libertarian Solidarity
As we have seen previously, some activists had in mind the creation of
an alternative syndicalist international and a libertarian
international. The definitive and stable connection between Europe and
Latin America occurred around 1994, although contacts had existed before
then. The Spanish-Swiss Arístides Pedraza was one of those links and put
Juan Carlos Mechoso in touch with the Barcelona militants.[21]From then
on, a very good relationship was established. The Spanish, French, and
Swiss activists paid for their Latin American comrades' travels,
organized talks, press conferences, and meetings. In this way, within
the CGT-E, they met "Juan Carlos and Juan Pilo from the FAU, the
Brazilians Eduardo, "el Bocha," "el Gaucho," and Verónica from the
Argentine OSL. At that time, we helped cover the costs of three
'ateneos' in Uruguay, Cerro, Colón, and Acacias." (Olaizola)[22]
The formalization of this network of contacts and organizations would
give rise to International Libertarian Solidarity (SIL). This may be our
third thread. It was driven by diverse organizations with libertarian
communist and anarcho-syndicalist tendencies, while other groups had a
less politically defined social anarchism.[23]Its first meeting was held
in Madrid on April 1, 2001, at the initiative of the CGT-E.[24]The
founding text was written by Juan Carlos Mechoso (Montevideo), Pepe
García Rey, alias "Ramón Germinal" (Granada), and Paco Marcellán
(Madrid):[25]
Today, as a first step, we support the establishment of a global
libertarian network in which all affinity groups that so wish can find
their space, open to libertarian organizations, associations,
athenaeums, unions, and other libertarian collectives. This network will
serve to spread mutual support and solidarity in the struggles, it will
function as a source of information and debate for the libertarian
world, it will organize international meetings, it will create training
schools, it will use videoconferences, the Internet and all kinds of
available tools to articulate strategies that allow the introduction and
guidance of the libertarian idea in the various social struggles.[26]
Regarding the list of organizations, we have the OSL (Switzerland),
Alternative Libertaire (France), Al-Badil al-Tahriri (Lebanon), FAU
(Uruguay), the Gaucha Anarchist Federation (FAG, Brazil),[27]the
ORA-Solidarita of the Czech Republic,[28]all of them anarcho-communist
tendencies, and also the French anti-fascist network No Pasarán, the
Magonista[29]organization, CIPO-RFM (Mexico)[30], and the
anarcho-syndicalist organizations CGT-E, SAC (Sweden), Unicobas (Italy)
and CNT-F (Vignoles, France). The latter participated just in the first
meeting, but withdrew from the SIL network. Meanwhile, FdCA (Italy),
ZACF (South Africa)[31], AUCA (Argentina)[32], NEFAC (North
America)[33], and the newly created Red Libertaria Apoyo Mutuo (Spain)
soon joined the network. This attempt at a specific organization in
Spain didn't achieve much success.
A couple more international meetings were held in the following years.
Their context was that of the resistance movement against capitalist
globalization, which in Europe was characterized by counter-summits
against meetings of the big Capital (such as those of the World Bank,
the G8, or the European Union), which were accompanied by mass protests.
Thanks to their existence, several projects were funded, such as the
"Aragón" printing press and an athenaeum in Uruguay, a community center,
a cooperative, and a printing press in Brazil, a local office in Cuba,
and support for the newspaper of the Argentine NGO. The most important
thing is that the SIL brought together various European and Latin
American activists, funded trips, published books, published newspapers,
funded public events for the organizations, and much more.
As we can imagine, these contacts led to many joint workshops,
conferences, debates, and interviews between several of these particular
activists that continued well into the 2010s.[34]
However, this initiative of internationalist solidarity didn't last long
either. The SIL was created during the period of decline in the
alterglobalization movement. Furthermore, the CGT (Spain) changed its
secretariat, and these contacts were no longer developed.
ELAOPA, the Porto Alegre Anarchist Conference, and the first CALA
On the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, we find the fourth thread of
international construction. Meetings between the FAU, the Brazilian FAG,
and Argentine groups had been common in the 1990s. This work had borne
fruit, as by the beginning of the new century, other groups of this
movement already existed in other countries. Now it was time to
articulate them.
On the national level, on the one hand, Brazilian groups and
organizations created the Forum of Organized Anarchism (FAO),
established in 2002. It was a space for ideological, theoretical, and
strategic debate, taking the scale of the event to a new level in
Brazil. On the other hand, similar processes had taken place in Chile
(1999), with the Anarcho-Communist Unification Congress (CUAC). Not
exactly from the CUAC, but certainly influenced by that process, the
Chilean Libertarian Communist Organization (OCL) was created in 2002.[35]
Within the framework of the World Social Forum (WSF), held in Porto
Alegre in 2003, the so-called Latin American Meeting of Autonomous
Popular Organizations (ELAOPA) emerged.[36]The meeting proposed a space
separate from the WSF, which was comprised of NGOs, political parties,
and even business initiatives. The radical sector of popular movements
called for class autonomy and the creation of an alliance of social
movements outside of institutions. ELAOPA had the following principles:
1. The Construction of Popular Power.
2. An Anti-patriarchal and Anti-colonial Perspective.
3. Popular Protagonism and Direct Action.
4. Class Solidarity, Mutual Aid, and Internationalism.
In subsequent events, ELAOPA disassociated itself from the WSF and moved
to another city, holding meetings approximately every two years. In
2025, the 15th meeting was held in Santiago, Chile, with more than 400
people representing numerous grassroots organizations.[37]
ELAOPA is a meeting of social and popular organizations, and rarely do
any of them claim to be libertarian; at most, they claim to be
"autonomous," "classist," "popular," or claim to have "libertarian
influences." However, the militancy of so-called "anarquismo
especifista" was present in many of those organizations. We are talking
about the unionist, social and neighborhood militancy of the
aforementioned FAU, FAG, and others, who were active in these popular
movements and took advantage of the ELAOPA meetings to meet as well.
With ELAOPA, an opportunity arose for face-to-face encounters among
libertarian militancy. Therefore, a separate event was created,
typically held the day after the Popular Meeting ended: the Jornadas
Anarquistas (Anarchist Days). They were (and are) a space not only for
propaganda or libertarian culture, but also for strategic debate focused
on intervention in social struggles and the promotion of the movement.[38]
The efforts were very successful. By the 2007-2008 period, several new
libertarian communist organizations had been created, some with the aim
of being national in scope:
The situation of "platformist" specificism is considerably more varied
and complex. We already saw at the appropriate time that the
Organización Comunista Libertaria, Rojo y Negro, Comunismo Libertario,
the Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista, and the Colectivo Comunista
Libertario in Argentina should be considered as such; the Organización
Poder Popular Libertario in Bolivia; to the groups that revolve around
the Forum of Organized Anarchism and the Uniâo Popular
Anarquista[Unipa]in Brazil; to the Organización Comunista Libertaria,
the Agitación Libertaria Collective, and the Movimiento Libertario
Joaquín Murieta in Chile; to the Alianza Comunista Libertaria in Mexico;
to Qhispikay Llaqta in Peru; and finally, to the Uruguayan Anarchist
Federation, the Cimarrón Libertarian Organization, the Libertarian
Federation, and Bandera Negra in Uruguay.[39]
Along with this array of groups, naturally, larger-scale initiatives for
coordination also emerged. The largest attempt of the era was the Latin
American Anarchist Coordination (CALA), created in 2004 by the FAU
(Uruguay), the FAG (Brazil), AUCA (Argentina), Lucha Libertaria, and
UNIPA (Brazil).[40]However, this UNIPA broke with the current to create
its own political space, "Bakuninism," prioritizing alliances with the
Libertarian Communist Alliance (ALC) of Mexico and the Anarchist
Revolutionary Organization (ORA) of Argentina. Later, the Forum of
Organized Anarchism (FOR) of Brazil was added to CALA. This first CALA
lasted only a few years.
CALA adhered to especifist anarchism. They defended a strategy of
democratic and disruptive popular power, but they never attempted to
define the characteristics of a post-revolutionary society. They
understood especifism as anarchist political organization. Therefore,
they differed from platformism only in their particular Latin American
anarchist tradition and the time in which both proposals emerged.
Consequently, their vocation is identical, despite some distinctive
developments.
The Creation of the anarkismo.net Website
As we have seen before, the SIL had already managed to connect some 11
anarcho-communist organizations, with another 3 that did not define
themselves as such, but, with a little political work, could have adopt
it without much difficulty. The disappearance of the SIL network left an
organizational void that anarkismo.net would fill.
In the words of José Antonio Gutiérrez:[41]
The idea for Anarkismo.net was initially born as the idea of creating an
international magazine. Around 1999, we began talking with a comrade
from Alternative Libertaire and myself, who was then in charge of
international relations at CUAC[Chile], to discuss the need to get to
know each other better as libertarian organizations that were on the
platformist wing. There was then an email list where we exchanged
discussions and experiences, but we felt we needed more in-depth
articles to better understand our politics from our contexts and
practices. Our idea was to create an annual international almanac of
anarcho-communism, with information on the countries where we were
present and their organizations, a highly reflective and critical annual
review.
So we began to discuss this idea, and in February 2002, we met Nestor
McNabb of the FdCA[Federazione dei Communisti Anarchici]in Dublin, along
with Andrew Flood of the WSM. The three of us met at a pub in downtown
Dublin, on South William Street. The pub is called Grogan's. There we
discussed the idea of an annual almanac, and the idea grew. We took it
to our organizations, and with the growth of the internet, we decided
that, for reasons of budget, ease of distribution, etc., it was much
better to have an international site on anarcho-communism.
Thus, the idea of Anarkismo was born, an anarcho-communist and
multilingual site, hence the name, which is "anarchism" in Esperanto.
The site, after much work, was launched on May 1, 2005, a very symbolic
date. The idea began as a website, but the goal from the outset was to
facilitate exchanges between organizations and better understand each
other, with the aim of bringing us closer together politically and
generating a trend. We didn't want to propose an international
organization in name only; rather, we wanted international work and the
exchange of experiences to develop gradually and organically, giving way
to greater cohesion as a trend, as a movement, with a view to creating
an international federation with solid foundations. That was the
intention from the beginning.
Militants such as Nestor McNab (Irishman living in Rome), Paul Bowman,
Andrew Flood, and Ian McKay (Ireland), Jonathan Payn (South Africa),
Dimitris Troaditis (first in Athens and later in Melbourne), Adam Weaver
(Miami), Nicolas Phoebus (Quebec), Wayne Price (New York) and the
Chilean José Antonio Gutierrez, among others, were key figures in the
political, technical, and editorial development of the new portal. They
had met through the "Anarchist Platform" mailing list and other
in-person meetings. They had read each other's articles and disseminated
or translated them in their respective territories and languages.
Among the founding organizations of anarkismo.net were the
aforementioned FAU, FAG, FdCA, and Alternative Libertaire (France). Not
all of them joined at the same time, but some had been in contact from
the beginning but took some time to decide (for example, FAU and OSL).
Together with the organizations to which the aforementioned comrades
belonged, the foundations were laid for a project that made possible the
international articulation of the entire anarcho-communist or
platformist movement.[42]
By then, in the first half of the 2000s, several new organizations
already existed with some relevance to the libertarian communist
movement. To name a few: NEFAC (Northwestern United States and Eastern
Canada), CUAC and OCL (Chile), OSL and FACA (Argentina), in addition to
the already well-known ZACF (South Africa), Alternative Libertaire
(France), FdCA (Italy), and WSM (Ireland).
As we can see, the anarchist groups were predominantly male, and
therefore, practically all the international delegates were men. Women
attended the meetings most often when the delegations from their
organizations were composed of several people.
It is equally important to mention that the roles played by the
organizations' militancy in the international meetings were made
possible thanks to the work of numerous comrades who, in one way or
another, influenced the development and dynamism of their organizations.
This occurred in multiple ways: creating theoretical, strategic, or
debate contributions; meeting in different settings; disseminating
experiences; or contributing to strengthening ties. Each person
contributed their own grain of sand.
The movement framed within anarcho-communism understood that anarchism,
if it wanted to have any relevance, should be well organized and, of
course, take seriously its participation in collective struggles,
seeking to empower them, and politically and strategically coordinating
all the libertarian people within it.
We define ourselves as Communist Anarchists because we belong to the
anarchist tradition that recognizes the need for a dual organization: a
"specific" anarchist organization that works within and alongside the
mass organizations of the working class.
[43]
Each organization had its own website and journals from which they
projected their strategy. The most widely distributed were the monthly
magazines Alternative Libertaire and Courant Alternatif[44]in France,
and Alternativa Libertaria in Italy, which dated back to the 1970s and
already had a readership.
On the internet, in addition to anarkismo.net, the most prolific
anarcho-communist sites were the British website libcom.org, which
published dozens of biographies related to Makhnovism, usually written
by Nick Heath[45]; Nestor McNab's website nestormakhno.info; makhno.ru,
in Russian; the Anarchist and the Platformist Tradition website[46]; and
A-Infos itself, whose editorial team included the Israeli anarchist Ilan
Shalif, a staunch anarcho-communist.[47]These websites contributed to
spreading the movement, as struggle.ws and zabalaza.net had done before
them.
A Coordination, Not an International
Anarkismo.net did not aspire to be an international, but rather a tool
for sharing information about local struggles, theory, and strategies.
It operated through a Collective of Delegates and an Editorial
Collective, with the former taking on a political role and the latter a
technical one.
Some preferred a more defined structure-moving towards an
International-like Alternative Libertaire, while others preferred to
maintain it as an open space. Despite this difference, some solidarity
campaigns were carried out, such as the one in support of the Oaxaca
uprising (2005-06).
Over the years, this movement grew stronger in Latin America, especially
in Chile (OCL, FEL), Argentina (Joaquín Penina Libertarian Column[48],
Red Libertaria, and Brazil (FARJ), where numerous groups, websites, and
blogs emerged. And its way of interpreting anarcho-communism, called
"specificism," became consolidated. Several Brazilian authors, such as
Bruno Lima, Rafael Viana, and Felipe Correa, who founded the Institute
of Anarchist Theory and History (ITHA) along with South Africans Lucien
van der Walt, Michael Schmidt and Jonathan Payn, contributed to this.
Other activists, such as the aforementioned Dimitris Troaditis and the
Argentine Emilio Crisi, among others, also contributed to this. The ITHA
has almost served as a think tank for academic texts within the movement.
Correa defined especifismo as:[50]
It is a movement that upholds a set of positions regarding the major
strategic debates of anarchism. First, in relation to the organizational
debate, Especifistas maintain the need for an organizational dualism,
based on which anarchists articulate themselves within a political
organization, as anarchists, and within social organizations (unions and
social movements), as workers. Second, regarding the debate on the role
of reforms, Especifistas believe that, depending on how they are sought
and achieved, they can contribute to a revolutionary process. Third,
regarding the debate on violence, Especifistas believe that it must
always be carried out in the context of and concomitant with the
construction of mass movements. On the social level, of mass movements,
Especifismo promotes a program that has numerous affinities with
revolutionary syndicalism.
In Latin America, this movement launched initiatives and trends within
labor unions, as well as within the student and neighborhood movements,
such as the FEL (libertarian student fronts, present in several
countries, although initially emerged in Chile), Resistência Popular in
Brazil, and the Federation of Base Organizations (FOB) in Argentina,
among others.
To avoid referring to specificism or platformism, which are difficult
for the general public to understand, the movement preferred to use the
concept of organized anarchism. Elsewhere, the term "social and
organized anarchism" was used to further narrow its target audience.
Anarcho-communist groups also emerged elsewhere in the world, most
notably in Russia (Autonomous Action[51]- and also in its sphere of
influence: Armenia, Georgia, Bulgaria, and Israel), Ukraine
(RKAS-Makhno), Turkey (AKI, KaraKizil, Liberter), Australia (MAGC)[52],
Greece (Western Greece Anarchist Federation), and with influence in
other territories. In the former cases, anarcho-communism was mixed with
insurrectionalism, while in the latter, their paths were distinct.
In November 2008, the first G20 summit was held in Washington. For this
occasion, the "Anarcho-Communist Declaration on the Global Economic
Crisis and the G20 Meeting" was issued. It was the beginning of the
crisis. The real estate and financial bubbles had burst a few months
earlier, and there was talk of collapse. States had to bail out banks to
avoid further damage. Eleven organizations signed the declaration.
Several organizations already mentioned on other occasions signed the
agreement. The new ones were Common Cause (Ontario, Canada), Union
Communiste Libertaire (Quebec, Canada), Unión Socialista Libertaria
(Peru), Liberty & Solidarity (L&S, Great Britain)[53]and two synthesis
organizations: the Asociación Obrera Canaria and the Anarchist
Federation of Berlin.[54]
Sometime later, in February 2010, six organizations from the current met
in Paris: the FdCA (Italy), L&S (Great Britain)[53], WSM (Ireland), OSL
(Switzerland), Motmakt ("Counterpower", Norway), and Alternative
libertaire (France). Their objective was to assess the state of the
libertarian communist movement in Europe and promote continental
coordination. They created working groups to maintain relations and
advance coordination.[55]
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/34361
https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/07/23/anarkismo-net-20-anos-tejiendo-redes/
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