The Maturity of the Network ---- Around the period 2010-2013, the
various groups and organizations that claimed to be anarcho-communists
and that were already in mutual contact, as we have seen, consolidated
the network. It was then that the Anarkismo Editorial Collective was
stabilized, which, as we have already seen, was composed of a delegate
from each of the organizations. Here is a table showing the
organizations that comprised Anarkismo in 2010 and 2015:
2010
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Buffalo Class Action (USA)
Chasqui Anarquista (Ecuador)
Colectivo Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Common Action (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Convergencia Juvenil Clasista "Hijos del Pueblo" (Ecuador)
Estrategia Libertaria (Chile)
Federação Anarquista de São Paulo (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Foro del Anarquismo Organizado (Brazil)
Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici (Italy)
Four Star Anarchist Organization (USA)
"Hombre y Sociedad" (Chile)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Liberty & Solidarity (UK)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Miami Autonomy & Solidarity (USA)
Motmakt (Norway)
North-Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (USA)
Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Voz Negra (Chile)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Red Libertaria de Buenos Aires (Argentina)
Red Libertaria Popular Mateo Kramer (Colombia)
Solidarity & Defense (USA)
Union Communiste Libertaire (Canada)
Unión Socialista Libertaria (Peru)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)
2015
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (Italy)
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes (France)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazil)
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (Uruguay)
Grupo Anarquista Bifurcación (Colombia)
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre (Colombia)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Libertäre Aktion Winterthur (Switzerland)
Libertarian Communist Group / Grwp Gomiwnyddol Libertaraidd (Wales/Cymru)
Libertære Socialister (Denmark)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Motmakt (Norway)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Organização Anarquista Socialismo Libertário (Brazil)
Organización Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Prairie Struggle Organization (Canada)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)
In this list, we can already see the disappearance of NEFAC from North
America, which was reduced to a few groups in New England (Buffalo and
New York) and Canada (e.g., Common Cause and UCL). Eventually, in 2014,
the US groups created a federation, Black Rose.[56]We can also see the
founding, in 2012, of the Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazilian
Anarchist Coordination), based on pre-existing groups (such as FAG,
FARJ, OASL, CAZP, and others)[57]that were organized around the FAO
forum and already belonged to the Anarkismo network.
The remaining organizations continued the libertarian communist or
anarcho-communist tradition dating back to the 1970s and 1980s, such as
Alternative Libertaire (France), FdCA (Italy), OSL (Switzerland, joined
Anarkismo in 2010), the FAU (Uruguay) and WSM (Ireland).
The French CGA was a split from the Francophone Anarchist Federation
following its call to support Jacques Chirac in the presidential
elections to prevent Le Pen from winning. Over time, the CGA shifted
towards anarcho-communism and eventually merged with Alternative
Libertaire in 2019, creating the Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL),
which is currently the largest organization of its kind in the world.
Each organization has its own history, and it would take too long to
describe them all here. What is obvious is that this movement was
articulated on a global scale and was able to take advantage of the rise
of radicalism that swept the planet in 2011, in the same way that the
SIL developed during the alterglobalization movement.
2011 saw the Arab Spring, the Indignados movement, and the square
occupations. It was also the moment when a new generation entered
activism. The Rojava Revolution emerged with force. Anarcho-communist
organizations emerged in Egypt (the Libertarian Socialist Movement,
MSL), Israel (Unity), and Tunisia, which had only existed for a short
time, as well as new attempts in Iran, Lebanon, and Jordan.
That year, a statement of solidarity was issued with 46 activists
detained in Zimbabwe. It was signed by 11 libertarian communist
organizations.[58]That same year, the declaration of solidarity with the
popular struggle in Egypt, whose people had just overthrown the Mubarak
regime, was signed.[59]This time, 23 organizations signed. New
initiatives included organizations from Egypt (MSL), Colombia (Vía Libre
and CELIP), Chile (Libertarian Communist Federation and the magazine
"Política y Sociedad"), and the United States (Autonomy and Solidarity
of Miami). A number of anarcho-syndicalist groups, such as the CGT-E,
Solidaridad Obrera, WSA (United States), and the ICEA (Spain), also
signed the agreement.[60]
Once again, the Anarkismo network declined to formalize itself as a more
solid structure-as an international federation-to avoid falling into
rivalries and competition with the other libertarian internationals, the
IWA and IFA at the time. However, it is undeniable that it was
functioning in a fairly coordinated manner.
In 2012, eight European organizations met again in London.[61]In
addition to talking about improving coordination, they launched a
campaign against sovereign debt. That same year, Jornadas Anarquistas
were held in Sao Paulo, convened by the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation
(FAU) and the Forum of Organized Anarchism of Brazil (FAO)[62]to develop
especifist anarchism on the continent. On that occasion, they approved
strategic documents around the concepts of popular power and federalism.
To speak of "popular" means to imbue the project of power with an
eminently classist character, although we must emphasize that we speak
of power from a libertarian perspective. A project of the oppressed that
arises from popular movements and that accumulates the social force
necessary for a long-term confrontation, with firm, strong, and
well-defined steps, which we believe are necessary from an ideological
point of view.
[63]
It was from then on that the anarchist movement would more decisively
adopt this theoretical conception, more typical of the development of
the class struggle in Latin America, and it would soon also reach Europe
through Embat (Catalonia) and Libertäre Aktion (Bern).
In August 2012, the largest in-person meeting of the movement took
place: in Saint Imier (Switzerland). Taking advantage of the
International Anarchist Meeting, a tent called "Anarkismo" was set up as
a meeting point for the movement's international militants and
sympathizers. Approximately half of the 30 organizations that were in
contact with anarkismo.net at the time sent delegates to the
International Meeting, and a conference of delegates was held. The
enormous growth of this movement in Latin America was evident, and a
significant development was seen since the beginning of the website.
From the perspective of the WSM delegation, the various Anarkismo
meetings held during the week were a valuable opportunity to meet
comrades we might never have crossed paths with and to revitalize our
involvement in the Anarkismo network. The network itself continues to
expand since its very modest beginnings in 2005, both in terms of the
number of organizations involved, the geographical dispersion of these
organizations, and, most importantly, increased cooperation between
them. When each organization presented its work during the morning of
the global meeting, it was striking to see the common political and
organizational approach we share, despite operating in very different
contexts. It also became clear that South American organizations in
particular have experienced significant growth in number and influence
in recent years.
[64]
As a positive measure: Swiss and French synthesist and platformist
organizations, which did not always enjoy good relations, collaborated
in the preparation of the Meeting. But not everyone was under the same
illusions. The organizational problems were numerous, and what the
Meeting lacked most was precisely programmatic clarity:
It would have been a very different matter if, for three or two years in
advance, a debate had been prepared and carried out around a common
analysis of the situation, a real coordination and federation of
organizations and struggles had been promoted, and progress had been
made toward establishing a common program... we would be able to reflect
and we would have real elements to evaluate, that the fruit of this work
in St. Imier or elsewhere would have culminated, and the logic of this
culmination would not be a meeting but the creation of an anarchist
international.
[65]
In 2014, a joint May Day communiqué was signed by several
organizations:[66]ZACF (South Africa), WSM (Ireland), OSL (Switzerland),
Collectife Communiste Libertaire (Bienne, Switzerland), FdCA (Italy),
WSA (United States), Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia),
and Prairie Struggle (United States). Months later, 14 organizations
from the movement signed another communiqué in support of the Kurdish
resistance.[67]This was the last joint communiqué of this era.
On November 18 and 19, 2017, several European organizations met in Genoa
to exchange analyses and establish a European action plan. The
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (the new name of the veteran Italian
organization), Alternative Libertaire (France), CGA (France), the
Libertarian Socialist Federation (Wales, Great Britain), OSL
(Switzerland), and WSM (Ireland) met.[68]Embat (Catalonia) sent his
greetings to the meeting, and from then on, he became much more closely
involved with this movement.
By 2020, the Union Communiste Libertaire of France was doing an
extensive mapping of the movement:[69]
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?reseau-international-8794
Over the years, a tradition developed of sending greetings to each
organization of the current that held a congress. This helped to forge
an international movement and made all activists aware that they
belonged to a movement much larger than their own organization or local
context.[70]
Time Ebb
It wasn't all good news for the movement. In addition to the thorny
Chilean issue, which we will soon discuss, between 2018 and 2021,
WSM[71]and Zabalaza dissolved, as did other local and regional groups in
North America, due to a failure to achieve generational change.
Furthermore, other organizations also entered into crisis, without
dissolving, such as Motmakt (Norway),[72]with whom contact was lost.
Several European organizations disappeared (in Denmark, Portugal, the
Czech Republic, and Turkey) or their movements were unable to achieve
stability (Great Britain or Russia). In the Americas, organizations in
Bolivia and Peru were lost, and there were splits in Argentina, Chile,
and the United States.
Another split during this period was that suffered by the Anarchist
Federation (Great Britain). This organization, created in 1986 as an
anarcho-communist, had long been a synthetist federation. In 2018, there
was an internal conflict in AF, and a sector emerged from it that would
form the Anarchist Communist Group (ACG),[73]already with a marked
libertarian communist tendency. The ACG succeeded British platformist
organizations that never managed to take root, such as L&S or the LSF.
Even so, several anarcho-communist groups remained that have not yet
considered joining the ACG.
The causes of these crises are diverse. For example, various social and
political situations arose in several states that made it impossible to
cultivate international relations. These relations were also interrupted
in the event of internal crises and ruptures within the organizations.
Another problem for maintaining stable international relations was the
rapid change of delegates, with several organizations having delegates
who did not speak English, while other comrades who had managed these
relations moved on to other functions within their organizations. FdCA
fared worse, as in just four months of 2018, they lost Donato Romito and
Monia Andreani to pass away. In other cases, a more internal approach
was prioritized, improving integration at the social and territorial
levels, but relegating the international arena to a secondary level.
Finally, the case of Michael Schmidt and his expulsion from
anarkismo.net and ITHA was not without damage.[74]
The Chilean Case
At this point, we should talk about the movement in Chile. Its origins
date back to 1999, with the celebration of the CUAC, initiating a
process that would later give rise to the OCL in 2002. The following
year, a Libertarian Student Front (FEL) was launched, and in 2006,
following the so-called "Penguin Revolt" (high school students), the FEL
grew exponentially. It managed to attract numerous activists, and when
that generation of students went to university, they came to lead the
student movement, usually controlled by communists and autonomists.
Activists such as Felipe Ramírez, Fabián Araneda, and Melissa Sepúlveda
held important elected positions in the Chilean Student Federation
(FECH, which is unitary and semi-institutional), which at the time was
one of the most powerful popular movements in Chile. Among their most
notable initiatives was their highly colorful and recognizable graphic
style, which was copied and adapted by many collectives elsewhere. They
filled Chile with murals through their Ernesto Miranda muralist units.[75]
Some time later, this entire political space merged into the Izquierda
Libertaria (Libertarian Left). This new organization adopted strategic
lines different from the libertarian communist magma that had driven the
movement up to that point, shifting toward a much less defined
libertarian socialism, more in line with libertarian Marxism. At the
same time, they achieved a scale never seen before for a libertarian
organization in recent decades, rivaling other political parties and
organizations much more established in the Chilean scene.
In this context, a sector of libertarians-which I would venture to say
is the majority-has made a series of reflections that have shaped the
political approach known as "Democratic Rupture" in various articles and
public documents, as well as in internal discussion processes. Despite
this, there is still some confusion regarding the implications of this
wager, which we will try to clarify to some extent with this article.
[76]
Chilean libertarian communist sectors began supporting leftist electoral
options in 2013. At first, they did so tactically, without intervening
in the campaigns, but calling for a vote for a democratic rupture to
overthrow the reactionary democratic regime that ruled the country.
Later, in the 2018 electoral process, the Izquierda Libertaria the
Frente Amplio (Broad Front), which was running in the parliamentary
elections. Due to its participation, libertarian activist Gael Yeomans
was elected as a deputy.[77]Since then, the Izquierda Libertaria has had
more regional and national deputies, as well as senators. These efforts
culminated in a progressive government in the country led by Gabriel
Boric, a former autonomist student leader from the same era as the FEL.
However, this has not produced the expected radicalization of society to
build revolutionary alternatives in a socialist sense through popular
power and constituent power. Chile continues to be a capitalist state-of
a progressive nature, admittedly-without the slightest hint of
socializing policies.
As can be seen, the Izquierda Libertaria[78]had abandoned traditional
libertarian communist postulates and was pointed out by rivals and
opponents of the anarchist communist current within anarchism as a
logical derivation of all especifist anarchism. For this reason, and for
other reasons as well, it suffered some splits,[79]such as Solidaridad
FCL,[80]some of which in turn followed the parliamentary path, resulting
in further splits.
At the Latin American level, the especifist movement distanced itself
from all these Chilean groups until the Santiago Anarchist Federation
(FAS)[81]emerged in 2019, once again aligned with the rest of the
international movement. This FAS, therefore, emerges as a break with the
imprint taken by Chilean libertarian communism, returning to Latin
American especifism.
From Network to Coordination
Between 2015 and 2019, the movement experienced a setback caused by
issues we have already seen, causing divisions in some organizations
within the movement, hindering understanding, fostering disorientation,
or directly leading to the dissolution of some organizations and the
destruction of entire movements, as we have seen.
Not everything was disappointing, of course. While a national British
organization (the ACG) had emerged in 2018, in 2019 Die Plattform was
founded in Germany, the largest European state that until then had
lacked organizations of the movement.
At the 2019 Jornadas Anarquistas, Latin American organizations spoke of
the need to relaunch the movement.[82]At this time, they championed
especifism, or, in other words, politically organized anarchism, and
sought to consolidate it in all regions. Their communiqué defined the
role of the anarchist political organization, which should be
responsible for developing the theory and analytical tools to understand
reality and better operate within it. They emphasized the internal
political work of each organization to avoid confusion and dead ends.
Our lives depend on[our social]insertions, but the Political
Organization, that small engine that drives the popular movement, is
necessary alongside it. The Anarchist Political Organization, in the
especifist conception, is not avant-garde, but rather one of militant
self-denial, with the aim of incentivizing and guiding a process of
revolutionary rupture with broad participation of the organized people.
We deeply respect the specific nature of that level. We have called this
process Popular Power, a process of building the organizations of
popular power that will replace the bourgeois power structures. Thus,
social insertion and political organization go hand in hand and are
articulated horizontally in a very different way than that proposed and
developed by all the vanguardist movements of the left to date, which
have done nothing more than limit the development of popular
organizations and instrumentalize them as "apparatuses" useful to their
parties. For this reason, Especifist Anarchism speaks of a Strong
People[Pueblo Fuerte]and not a "strong party," as all currents of
Marxism have proposed. We advocate a Strong People, a people who
construct their destiny and their own opportunities and degrees of
freedom according to their experience of struggle, development, and
progress in the process of rupture.
As a result of this initiative, the foundations for new international
work began to be laid. In December 2019, the Latin American Anarchist
Coordination (CALA) was re-established, formed by the CAB
(Brazil),[84]the FAR (Argentina),[85]and the FAU (Uruguay). These
organizations served as a focal point for the entire movement and took
over from the European organizations, which had been leading the way
until then.
"...We are convinced that Anarchism must be operational, agile, and in
tune with new social realities in order to confront the harshness that
this ruthless system imposes on those at the bottom. But to do so, we
reiterate, Anarchism must be politically organized. It is Political
Organization that allows militants to process the necessary discussions
and debates, make pertinent analyses of the conjuncture, define action
and development plans, fine-tune tactics, and also design a final
strategy and adapt that strategy to each period of action, to each
conjuncture..."
[85]
With CALA, the entire international libertarian communist movement was
extraordinarily energized, starting with the notable efforts of
Nathaniel Clavijo (Uruguay), who enlisted the help of Dimitris Troaditis
(now based in Melbourne, Australia), Jonathan Payn (now in Istanbul),
Johnny Rumpf (Bern, Switzerland), and Gio (France) to reorganize the
movement. As always, the veterans pull the younger ones until they
understand how it works.
In 2020, the year of the global pandemic, the foundations were laid for
a more articulated international coordination than before. From then on,
meetings became much more stable, as they could be held online. Meetings
were held every month or two, and a fairly natural coordination took shape.
The reason for so many meetings was the movement's need to publish
international statements. The first was to support the Chilean uprising
and demand the freedom of those arrested during the December 2019
protests.[86]Later, it was signed jointly on May Day, then on June 28th,
Stonewall Day, then to support the American people after the police
murder of George Floyd, also on July 19th, against the repression in
Turkey, on March 8th, to commemorate the anniversary of Krondstadt, the
Paris Commune, on the pandemic, against the war in Ukraine, the genocide
in Gaza, and many others. On each occasion, between 12 and 25
organizations from around the world signed.
Another project was to support anarchist comrades in Sudan,[87]who
needed financial assistance to leave the country. These days, some of
those people are returning. Other coordinating initiatives have been the
summer camps and schools, organized by each organization independently,
such as those organized by Embat and UCL since 2018 and 2020,
respectively. In the case of the former, in 2024 it helped organize the
first especifist meeting in Spain, together with the organizations Liza
(Madrid) and Batzac - Joventuts Llibertàries (Catalonia), which was
attended by people from other places and other organizations. Similarly,
the French camps are attended by British, German, Swiss, Spanish, or
Italian activists, depending on the occasion. Die Plattform has also
organized such camps, while an Anarchist Political School was held in
Australia, which has helped articulate the tendency until an anarchist
federation has been formed there. Finally, this summer the first camp of
the British ACG will be held.
To an outside audience, the development of organized anarchism might
seem quite informal. However, it has been an organic process. There was
a prior praxis dating back to the 1990s. Initially, there was a personal
level, comprised of activists who sometimes met without a mandate from
their organizations. Then came the level of formal meetings of the
organizations, represented by delegates. The third level would be joint
working groups between activists from different countries that carry out
specific projects. It is necessary to know how to read the process and
understand the rhythms, which are sometimes fast and other times slow.
The fact is that, starting in 2020, the dynamic accelerated.
In short, the Coordination towards 2022 was composed of the following
organizations:
* Alternativa Libertaria (AL/FdCA) - Italy
* Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) - Great Britain
* Federación Anarquista - Greece
* Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) - Aotearoa/New Zealand
* Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) - Brazil
* Federación Anarquista de Rosario (FAR) - Argentina
* Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) - Uruguay
* Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
* Libertäre Aktion (LA) - Switzerland
* Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (MACG) - Australia
* Organización Anarquista de Córdoba (OAC) - Argentina
* Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz (OASC) - Argentina
* Organización Anarquista de Tucumán (OAT) - Argentina
* Roja y Negra - Organización Politica Anarquista (Buenos Aires) - Argentina
* Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) - Switzerland
* Tekosina Anarsist (TA) - Rojava
* Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) - France, Belgium y Switzerland
* Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Colombia
Some organizations from Turkey, such as DAF[88]and Karala, which have
since dissolved, also participated. In these cases, these organizations
did not define themselves as libertarian communists or
anarcho-communists, but simply anarchists, but there was always mutual
understanding. Similarly, relations have always been maintained with
Tekosîna Anarsîst,[89]an organization composed of international
anarchist militants in Rojava.
In some of the early meetings, contacts were also made with
organizations from Iran and the Philippines, although it was clear that
they did not share the basic foundations of the movement, and their
paths diverged. Nevertheless, starting in 2020, a growth in the number
of groups and militants worldwide was noted. In some countries, this
growth has led to the establishment of national organizations with
several local groups, such as in Australia, Germany, and Argentina.
Most organizations during this period focused on approving and working
on their own programs, moving beyond the model of those anarchist groups
that had only a vague understanding of reality and whose militancy was
united only by principles, the distant goal of libertarian communism and
little else.
The International Coordination of Organized Anarchism
The result of the above has been the formal construction of the
Coordination at the end of 2024. This Coordination does not have the
form of an International, but rather a network. It has continental
sections in Europe and the Americas, and perhaps something similar will
be done in the Asia-Pacific in the medium term, but it is primarily
articulated at a global level.
One of its projects is the website anarkismo.net, which now acts as a
speaker for the entire movement internationally.
Since the time of the communiqués, a South Korean organization and the
Black Rose Federation of the United States have joined. Several more
have appeared throughout, creating an increasingly complex and
difficult-to-follow map.
What is worth highlighting is CALA's insistence on the theoretical and
strategic unity of all the Coordination's organizations. This has
allowed almost all organizations to self-evaluate and conduct their
ideological, theoretical, and strategic debates, leading to current
situation analyses, programs, and political lines. At that time, several
non-Latin American organizations also began to call themselves
"especifist," and new ones emerged elsewhere with that definition,
ignoring more traditional constructs in their regions.
Regarding the currently coordinated organizations, they are:
America
* Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra -
United States
* Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Colombia
* Federación Anarquista Santiago - Chile
* Roja y Negra, Organización Política Anarquista - Buenos Aires, Argentina
* Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (CALA)
* Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CALA):
* Federação Anarquista Gaúcha - Rio Grande do Sul
* Federação Anarquista Cabana - Belem do Pará
* Organização Resistência Libertária - Ceará
* Federação Anarquista Quilombo de Resistência - Bahia
* Federação Anarquista dos Palmares - Alagoas
* Coletivo Anarquista Luta de Classe - Paraná
* Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra - Santa Catarina
* Organização Anarquista Maria Iêda - Pernambuco
* También hay una construcción anarquista en la Argentina formada por:
* Federación Anarquista de Rosario (CALA)
* Organización Anarquista de Tucumán
* Organización Anarquista de Córdoba
* Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz
* Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Buenos Aires
Europe
* Anarchist Communist Group - Great Britain
* Die Plattform - Germany
* Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
* Midada, Libertär, Sozialistisch, Organisiert - Switzerland
* Organisation Socialiste Libertaire - Switzerland
* Union Communiste Libertaire - France, Belgium y Switzerland
Middle East
* Tekosîna Anarsîst - Rojava
Pacific Asia
* Anarchist Worker Solidarity Movement - New Zealand
* Anarchist Solidarity / Anarchist Yondae / ????? ?? - South Korea
* Anarchist Communist Federation - Australia:
* ACF-Brisbaine - Anarchist Communists Meanjin
* ACF-Melbourne - Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group
* ACF-Geelong - Geelong Anarchist Communists
Currently, there are other libertarian communist groups and
organizations in the United States, Canada, Brazil (the new OSL is
noteworthy due to its size), Italy, Spain, Great Britain, France, the
Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, Finland, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey,
Indonesia, and New Zealand. These groups do not belong to the
International Coordination, but maintain contact with one or more of the
current's organizations, which now number several dozens altogether. Of
course, they are also an active part of the entire movement, as the
Coordination is by no means the entire movement, nor does it claim to
be. In any case, these hundreds (or thousands already) of international
militants are building a solid libertarian alternative that has already
positioned itself within the broader anarchist movement.
Overview
We will conclude by reviewing the current's periods:
* The anarcho-communist current of anarchism dates back to its very
beginnings with the International Alliance for Socialist Democracy. Its
tradition can be traced over the decades. After World War II, this
current was reduced to very few countries. Of these, France, Italy, and
Uruguay had the most prominent movements, surviving into the 1980s
despite all kinds of difficulties.
* In the 1980s, several solid organizations were created that would last
for many years: OSL (founded in 1982 in Switzerland), WSM (founded in
1984, Ireland), FdCA (1986, Italy), Union des Travailleurs Communistes
Libertaires (1986, France), FAG (1985, Brazil), FAU (reorganized in
1986, Uruguay), and Anarchist Federation (1986, Great Britain, which was
initially anarcho-communist). These organizations maintained contact
with each other, but the synthesist and anarcho-syndicalist currents
predominated by far within the anarchist movement.
* In the 1990s, new organizations began to emerge. Alternative
Libertaire (1991, France; derived from previous organizations), FAG
(1995), and OSL (1997) in Brazil; OSL (1996), ORA (Rosario), and AUCA
(La Plata) in Argentina; CUAC in Chile (1999), among others; various
groups in the United States and Canada; ORA (1996, Czech Republic); WSF
(1995, South Africa)... Forming an organic relationship, on the one
hand, in Latin America through the FAU and FAG, and on the other, in
Europe through Alternative Libertaire, OSL, and FdCA, whose union fronts
are approaching the CGT-E, and the latter invites them to its meetings.
In parallel, the Anarchist Platform mailing list emerged, bringing
Anglo-Saxon platformism into contact.
* In the years 1999-2003, the articulation of the movement accelerated
through the resistance movement against capitalist globalization. Groups
and organizations emerged in many places (too many to list here),
creating spaces for interaction, such as ELAOPA, the Jornadas
Anarquistas, and CALA in Latin America, and SIL in Europe, although the
latter also provided solidarity with initiatives in the South. The
entire anarcho-communist movement expanded.
* 2004-2009 period. These were years of ebb and flow in social
struggles. Yet, the movement already maintained political relations.
This resulted in the creation of anarkismo.net (2005), the signing of
solidarity declarations and the first international meetings. The global
economic and financial crisis of 2008 erupted.
* In the years 2010-2014, there was again a strong expansion and
coordination. Initiatives multiplied: the anarchism network
consolidated, new declarations were signed, the Saint Imier meeting was
held (2012), and new groups and organizations emerged, and the anarchist
movement reached new countries where it had no presence in Asia and Africa.
* 2015-2019 Period. Once again, a period of ebb and flow. Some veteran
organizations disbanded, others entered into crisis and stagnation, and
others suffered from splits or changed their ideological line. However,
the previous inertia continued to produce new organizations.
* Finally, the period from 2020 to the present has given rise to greater
international coordination and a climate conducive to the creation of
new organizations, aided by the crisis experienced by other currents of
anarchism. At this point, the libertarian communist movement is no
longer unknown. It is not large, of course, but it appears much more
solid than other currents of anarchism.
Bibliography
Primary Sources:
/3
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/34361
https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/07/23/anarkismo-net-20-anos-tejiendo-redes/
_________________________________________
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various groups and organizations that claimed to be anarcho-communists
and that were already in mutual contact, as we have seen, consolidated
the network. It was then that the Anarkismo Editorial Collective was
stabilized, which, as we have already seen, was composed of a delegate
from each of the organizations. Here is a table showing the
organizations that comprised Anarkismo in 2010 and 2015:
2010
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Buffalo Class Action (USA)
Chasqui Anarquista (Ecuador)
Colectivo Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Common Action (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Convergencia Juvenil Clasista "Hijos del Pueblo" (Ecuador)
Estrategia Libertaria (Chile)
Federação Anarquista de São Paulo (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Foro del Anarquismo Organizado (Brazil)
Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici (Italy)
Four Star Anarchist Organization (USA)
"Hombre y Sociedad" (Chile)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Liberty & Solidarity (UK)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Miami Autonomy & Solidarity (USA)
Motmakt (Norway)
North-Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (USA)
Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Voz Negra (Chile)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Red Libertaria de Buenos Aires (Argentina)
Red Libertaria Popular Mateo Kramer (Colombia)
Solidarity & Defense (USA)
Union Communiste Libertaire (Canada)
Unión Socialista Libertaria (Peru)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)
2015
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (Italy)
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes (France)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazil)
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (Uruguay)
Grupo Anarquista Bifurcación (Colombia)
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre (Colombia)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Libertäre Aktion Winterthur (Switzerland)
Libertarian Communist Group / Grwp Gomiwnyddol Libertaraidd (Wales/Cymru)
Libertære Socialister (Denmark)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Motmakt (Norway)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Organização Anarquista Socialismo Libertário (Brazil)
Organización Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Prairie Struggle Organization (Canada)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)
In this list, we can already see the disappearance of NEFAC from North
America, which was reduced to a few groups in New England (Buffalo and
New York) and Canada (e.g., Common Cause and UCL). Eventually, in 2014,
the US groups created a federation, Black Rose.[56]We can also see the
founding, in 2012, of the Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazilian
Anarchist Coordination), based on pre-existing groups (such as FAG,
FARJ, OASL, CAZP, and others)[57]that were organized around the FAO
forum and already belonged to the Anarkismo network.
The remaining organizations continued the libertarian communist or
anarcho-communist tradition dating back to the 1970s and 1980s, such as
Alternative Libertaire (France), FdCA (Italy), OSL (Switzerland, joined
Anarkismo in 2010), the FAU (Uruguay) and WSM (Ireland).
The French CGA was a split from the Francophone Anarchist Federation
following its call to support Jacques Chirac in the presidential
elections to prevent Le Pen from winning. Over time, the CGA shifted
towards anarcho-communism and eventually merged with Alternative
Libertaire in 2019, creating the Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL),
which is currently the largest organization of its kind in the world.
Each organization has its own history, and it would take too long to
describe them all here. What is obvious is that this movement was
articulated on a global scale and was able to take advantage of the rise
of radicalism that swept the planet in 2011, in the same way that the
SIL developed during the alterglobalization movement.
2011 saw the Arab Spring, the Indignados movement, and the square
occupations. It was also the moment when a new generation entered
activism. The Rojava Revolution emerged with force. Anarcho-communist
organizations emerged in Egypt (the Libertarian Socialist Movement,
MSL), Israel (Unity), and Tunisia, which had only existed for a short
time, as well as new attempts in Iran, Lebanon, and Jordan.
That year, a statement of solidarity was issued with 46 activists
detained in Zimbabwe. It was signed by 11 libertarian communist
organizations.[58]That same year, the declaration of solidarity with the
popular struggle in Egypt, whose people had just overthrown the Mubarak
regime, was signed.[59]This time, 23 organizations signed. New
initiatives included organizations from Egypt (MSL), Colombia (Vía Libre
and CELIP), Chile (Libertarian Communist Federation and the magazine
"Política y Sociedad"), and the United States (Autonomy and Solidarity
of Miami). A number of anarcho-syndicalist groups, such as the CGT-E,
Solidaridad Obrera, WSA (United States), and the ICEA (Spain), also
signed the agreement.[60]
Once again, the Anarkismo network declined to formalize itself as a more
solid structure-as an international federation-to avoid falling into
rivalries and competition with the other libertarian internationals, the
IWA and IFA at the time. However, it is undeniable that it was
functioning in a fairly coordinated manner.
In 2012, eight European organizations met again in London.[61]In
addition to talking about improving coordination, they launched a
campaign against sovereign debt. That same year, Jornadas Anarquistas
were held in Sao Paulo, convened by the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation
(FAU) and the Forum of Organized Anarchism of Brazil (FAO)[62]to develop
especifist anarchism on the continent. On that occasion, they approved
strategic documents around the concepts of popular power and federalism.
To speak of "popular" means to imbue the project of power with an
eminently classist character, although we must emphasize that we speak
of power from a libertarian perspective. A project of the oppressed that
arises from popular movements and that accumulates the social force
necessary for a long-term confrontation, with firm, strong, and
well-defined steps, which we believe are necessary from an ideological
point of view.
[63]
It was from then on that the anarchist movement would more decisively
adopt this theoretical conception, more typical of the development of
the class struggle in Latin America, and it would soon also reach Europe
through Embat (Catalonia) and Libertäre Aktion (Bern).
In August 2012, the largest in-person meeting of the movement took
place: in Saint Imier (Switzerland). Taking advantage of the
International Anarchist Meeting, a tent called "Anarkismo" was set up as
a meeting point for the movement's international militants and
sympathizers. Approximately half of the 30 organizations that were in
contact with anarkismo.net at the time sent delegates to the
International Meeting, and a conference of delegates was held. The
enormous growth of this movement in Latin America was evident, and a
significant development was seen since the beginning of the website.
From the perspective of the WSM delegation, the various Anarkismo
meetings held during the week were a valuable opportunity to meet
comrades we might never have crossed paths with and to revitalize our
involvement in the Anarkismo network. The network itself continues to
expand since its very modest beginnings in 2005, both in terms of the
number of organizations involved, the geographical dispersion of these
organizations, and, most importantly, increased cooperation between
them. When each organization presented its work during the morning of
the global meeting, it was striking to see the common political and
organizational approach we share, despite operating in very different
contexts. It also became clear that South American organizations in
particular have experienced significant growth in number and influence
in recent years.
[64]
As a positive measure: Swiss and French synthesist and platformist
organizations, which did not always enjoy good relations, collaborated
in the preparation of the Meeting. But not everyone was under the same
illusions. The organizational problems were numerous, and what the
Meeting lacked most was precisely programmatic clarity:
It would have been a very different matter if, for three or two years in
advance, a debate had been prepared and carried out around a common
analysis of the situation, a real coordination and federation of
organizations and struggles had been promoted, and progress had been
made toward establishing a common program... we would be able to reflect
and we would have real elements to evaluate, that the fruit of this work
in St. Imier or elsewhere would have culminated, and the logic of this
culmination would not be a meeting but the creation of an anarchist
international.
[65]
In 2014, a joint May Day communiqué was signed by several
organizations:[66]ZACF (South Africa), WSM (Ireland), OSL (Switzerland),
Collectife Communiste Libertaire (Bienne, Switzerland), FdCA (Italy),
WSA (United States), Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia),
and Prairie Struggle (United States). Months later, 14 organizations
from the movement signed another communiqué in support of the Kurdish
resistance.[67]This was the last joint communiqué of this era.
On November 18 and 19, 2017, several European organizations met in Genoa
to exchange analyses and establish a European action plan. The
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (the new name of the veteran Italian
organization), Alternative Libertaire (France), CGA (France), the
Libertarian Socialist Federation (Wales, Great Britain), OSL
(Switzerland), and WSM (Ireland) met.[68]Embat (Catalonia) sent his
greetings to the meeting, and from then on, he became much more closely
involved with this movement.
By 2020, the Union Communiste Libertaire of France was doing an
extensive mapping of the movement:[69]
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?reseau-international-8794
Over the years, a tradition developed of sending greetings to each
organization of the current that held a congress. This helped to forge
an international movement and made all activists aware that they
belonged to a movement much larger than their own organization or local
context.[70]
Time Ebb
It wasn't all good news for the movement. In addition to the thorny
Chilean issue, which we will soon discuss, between 2018 and 2021,
WSM[71]and Zabalaza dissolved, as did other local and regional groups in
North America, due to a failure to achieve generational change.
Furthermore, other organizations also entered into crisis, without
dissolving, such as Motmakt (Norway),[72]with whom contact was lost.
Several European organizations disappeared (in Denmark, Portugal, the
Czech Republic, and Turkey) or their movements were unable to achieve
stability (Great Britain or Russia). In the Americas, organizations in
Bolivia and Peru were lost, and there were splits in Argentina, Chile,
and the United States.
Another split during this period was that suffered by the Anarchist
Federation (Great Britain). This organization, created in 1986 as an
anarcho-communist, had long been a synthetist federation. In 2018, there
was an internal conflict in AF, and a sector emerged from it that would
form the Anarchist Communist Group (ACG),[73]already with a marked
libertarian communist tendency. The ACG succeeded British platformist
organizations that never managed to take root, such as L&S or the LSF.
Even so, several anarcho-communist groups remained that have not yet
considered joining the ACG.
The causes of these crises are diverse. For example, various social and
political situations arose in several states that made it impossible to
cultivate international relations. These relations were also interrupted
in the event of internal crises and ruptures within the organizations.
Another problem for maintaining stable international relations was the
rapid change of delegates, with several organizations having delegates
who did not speak English, while other comrades who had managed these
relations moved on to other functions within their organizations. FdCA
fared worse, as in just four months of 2018, they lost Donato Romito and
Monia Andreani to pass away. In other cases, a more internal approach
was prioritized, improving integration at the social and territorial
levels, but relegating the international arena to a secondary level.
Finally, the case of Michael Schmidt and his expulsion from
anarkismo.net and ITHA was not without damage.[74]
The Chilean Case
At this point, we should talk about the movement in Chile. Its origins
date back to 1999, with the celebration of the CUAC, initiating a
process that would later give rise to the OCL in 2002. The following
year, a Libertarian Student Front (FEL) was launched, and in 2006,
following the so-called "Penguin Revolt" (high school students), the FEL
grew exponentially. It managed to attract numerous activists, and when
that generation of students went to university, they came to lead the
student movement, usually controlled by communists and autonomists.
Activists such as Felipe Ramírez, Fabián Araneda, and Melissa Sepúlveda
held important elected positions in the Chilean Student Federation
(FECH, which is unitary and semi-institutional), which at the time was
one of the most powerful popular movements in Chile. Among their most
notable initiatives was their highly colorful and recognizable graphic
style, which was copied and adapted by many collectives elsewhere. They
filled Chile with murals through their Ernesto Miranda muralist units.[75]
Some time later, this entire political space merged into the Izquierda
Libertaria (Libertarian Left). This new organization adopted strategic
lines different from the libertarian communist magma that had driven the
movement up to that point, shifting toward a much less defined
libertarian socialism, more in line with libertarian Marxism. At the
same time, they achieved a scale never seen before for a libertarian
organization in recent decades, rivaling other political parties and
organizations much more established in the Chilean scene.
In this context, a sector of libertarians-which I would venture to say
is the majority-has made a series of reflections that have shaped the
political approach known as "Democratic Rupture" in various articles and
public documents, as well as in internal discussion processes. Despite
this, there is still some confusion regarding the implications of this
wager, which we will try to clarify to some extent with this article.
[76]
Chilean libertarian communist sectors began supporting leftist electoral
options in 2013. At first, they did so tactically, without intervening
in the campaigns, but calling for a vote for a democratic rupture to
overthrow the reactionary democratic regime that ruled the country.
Later, in the 2018 electoral process, the Izquierda Libertaria the
Frente Amplio (Broad Front), which was running in the parliamentary
elections. Due to its participation, libertarian activist Gael Yeomans
was elected as a deputy.[77]Since then, the Izquierda Libertaria has had
more regional and national deputies, as well as senators. These efforts
culminated in a progressive government in the country led by Gabriel
Boric, a former autonomist student leader from the same era as the FEL.
However, this has not produced the expected radicalization of society to
build revolutionary alternatives in a socialist sense through popular
power and constituent power. Chile continues to be a capitalist state-of
a progressive nature, admittedly-without the slightest hint of
socializing policies.
As can be seen, the Izquierda Libertaria[78]had abandoned traditional
libertarian communist postulates and was pointed out by rivals and
opponents of the anarchist communist current within anarchism as a
logical derivation of all especifist anarchism. For this reason, and for
other reasons as well, it suffered some splits,[79]such as Solidaridad
FCL,[80]some of which in turn followed the parliamentary path, resulting
in further splits.
At the Latin American level, the especifist movement distanced itself
from all these Chilean groups until the Santiago Anarchist Federation
(FAS)[81]emerged in 2019, once again aligned with the rest of the
international movement. This FAS, therefore, emerges as a break with the
imprint taken by Chilean libertarian communism, returning to Latin
American especifism.
From Network to Coordination
Between 2015 and 2019, the movement experienced a setback caused by
issues we have already seen, causing divisions in some organizations
within the movement, hindering understanding, fostering disorientation,
or directly leading to the dissolution of some organizations and the
destruction of entire movements, as we have seen.
Not everything was disappointing, of course. While a national British
organization (the ACG) had emerged in 2018, in 2019 Die Plattform was
founded in Germany, the largest European state that until then had
lacked organizations of the movement.
At the 2019 Jornadas Anarquistas, Latin American organizations spoke of
the need to relaunch the movement.[82]At this time, they championed
especifism, or, in other words, politically organized anarchism, and
sought to consolidate it in all regions. Their communiqué defined the
role of the anarchist political organization, which should be
responsible for developing the theory and analytical tools to understand
reality and better operate within it. They emphasized the internal
political work of each organization to avoid confusion and dead ends.
Our lives depend on[our social]insertions, but the Political
Organization, that small engine that drives the popular movement, is
necessary alongside it. The Anarchist Political Organization, in the
especifist conception, is not avant-garde, but rather one of militant
self-denial, with the aim of incentivizing and guiding a process of
revolutionary rupture with broad participation of the organized people.
We deeply respect the specific nature of that level. We have called this
process Popular Power, a process of building the organizations of
popular power that will replace the bourgeois power structures. Thus,
social insertion and political organization go hand in hand and are
articulated horizontally in a very different way than that proposed and
developed by all the vanguardist movements of the left to date, which
have done nothing more than limit the development of popular
organizations and instrumentalize them as "apparatuses" useful to their
parties. For this reason, Especifist Anarchism speaks of a Strong
People[Pueblo Fuerte]and not a "strong party," as all currents of
Marxism have proposed. We advocate a Strong People, a people who
construct their destiny and their own opportunities and degrees of
freedom according to their experience of struggle, development, and
progress in the process of rupture.
As a result of this initiative, the foundations for new international
work began to be laid. In December 2019, the Latin American Anarchist
Coordination (CALA) was re-established, formed by the CAB
(Brazil),[84]the FAR (Argentina),[85]and the FAU (Uruguay). These
organizations served as a focal point for the entire movement and took
over from the European organizations, which had been leading the way
until then.
"...We are convinced that Anarchism must be operational, agile, and in
tune with new social realities in order to confront the harshness that
this ruthless system imposes on those at the bottom. But to do so, we
reiterate, Anarchism must be politically organized. It is Political
Organization that allows militants to process the necessary discussions
and debates, make pertinent analyses of the conjuncture, define action
and development plans, fine-tune tactics, and also design a final
strategy and adapt that strategy to each period of action, to each
conjuncture..."
[85]
With CALA, the entire international libertarian communist movement was
extraordinarily energized, starting with the notable efforts of
Nathaniel Clavijo (Uruguay), who enlisted the help of Dimitris Troaditis
(now based in Melbourne, Australia), Jonathan Payn (now in Istanbul),
Johnny Rumpf (Bern, Switzerland), and Gio (France) to reorganize the
movement. As always, the veterans pull the younger ones until they
understand how it works.
In 2020, the year of the global pandemic, the foundations were laid for
a more articulated international coordination than before. From then on,
meetings became much more stable, as they could be held online. Meetings
were held every month or two, and a fairly natural coordination took shape.
The reason for so many meetings was the movement's need to publish
international statements. The first was to support the Chilean uprising
and demand the freedom of those arrested during the December 2019
protests.[86]Later, it was signed jointly on May Day, then on June 28th,
Stonewall Day, then to support the American people after the police
murder of George Floyd, also on July 19th, against the repression in
Turkey, on March 8th, to commemorate the anniversary of Krondstadt, the
Paris Commune, on the pandemic, against the war in Ukraine, the genocide
in Gaza, and many others. On each occasion, between 12 and 25
organizations from around the world signed.
Another project was to support anarchist comrades in Sudan,[87]who
needed financial assistance to leave the country. These days, some of
those people are returning. Other coordinating initiatives have been the
summer camps and schools, organized by each organization independently,
such as those organized by Embat and UCL since 2018 and 2020,
respectively. In the case of the former, in 2024 it helped organize the
first especifist meeting in Spain, together with the organizations Liza
(Madrid) and Batzac - Joventuts Llibertàries (Catalonia), which was
attended by people from other places and other organizations. Similarly,
the French camps are attended by British, German, Swiss, Spanish, or
Italian activists, depending on the occasion. Die Plattform has also
organized such camps, while an Anarchist Political School was held in
Australia, which has helped articulate the tendency until an anarchist
federation has been formed there. Finally, this summer the first camp of
the British ACG will be held.
To an outside audience, the development of organized anarchism might
seem quite informal. However, it has been an organic process. There was
a prior praxis dating back to the 1990s. Initially, there was a personal
level, comprised of activists who sometimes met without a mandate from
their organizations. Then came the level of formal meetings of the
organizations, represented by delegates. The third level would be joint
working groups between activists from different countries that carry out
specific projects. It is necessary to know how to read the process and
understand the rhythms, which are sometimes fast and other times slow.
The fact is that, starting in 2020, the dynamic accelerated.
In short, the Coordination towards 2022 was composed of the following
organizations:
* Alternativa Libertaria (AL/FdCA) - Italy
* Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) - Great Britain
* Federación Anarquista - Greece
* Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) - Aotearoa/New Zealand
* Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) - Brazil
* Federación Anarquista de Rosario (FAR) - Argentina
* Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) - Uruguay
* Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
* Libertäre Aktion (LA) - Switzerland
* Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (MACG) - Australia
* Organización Anarquista de Córdoba (OAC) - Argentina
* Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz (OASC) - Argentina
* Organización Anarquista de Tucumán (OAT) - Argentina
* Roja y Negra - Organización Politica Anarquista (Buenos Aires) - Argentina
* Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) - Switzerland
* Tekosina Anarsist (TA) - Rojava
* Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) - France, Belgium y Switzerland
* Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Colombia
Some organizations from Turkey, such as DAF[88]and Karala, which have
since dissolved, also participated. In these cases, these organizations
did not define themselves as libertarian communists or
anarcho-communists, but simply anarchists, but there was always mutual
understanding. Similarly, relations have always been maintained with
Tekosîna Anarsîst,[89]an organization composed of international
anarchist militants in Rojava.
In some of the early meetings, contacts were also made with
organizations from Iran and the Philippines, although it was clear that
they did not share the basic foundations of the movement, and their
paths diverged. Nevertheless, starting in 2020, a growth in the number
of groups and militants worldwide was noted. In some countries, this
growth has led to the establishment of national organizations with
several local groups, such as in Australia, Germany, and Argentina.
Most organizations during this period focused on approving and working
on their own programs, moving beyond the model of those anarchist groups
that had only a vague understanding of reality and whose militancy was
united only by principles, the distant goal of libertarian communism and
little else.
The International Coordination of Organized Anarchism
The result of the above has been the formal construction of the
Coordination at the end of 2024. This Coordination does not have the
form of an International, but rather a network. It has continental
sections in Europe and the Americas, and perhaps something similar will
be done in the Asia-Pacific in the medium term, but it is primarily
articulated at a global level.
One of its projects is the website anarkismo.net, which now acts as a
speaker for the entire movement internationally.
Since the time of the communiqués, a South Korean organization and the
Black Rose Federation of the United States have joined. Several more
have appeared throughout, creating an increasingly complex and
difficult-to-follow map.
What is worth highlighting is CALA's insistence on the theoretical and
strategic unity of all the Coordination's organizations. This has
allowed almost all organizations to self-evaluate and conduct their
ideological, theoretical, and strategic debates, leading to current
situation analyses, programs, and political lines. At that time, several
non-Latin American organizations also began to call themselves
"especifist," and new ones emerged elsewhere with that definition,
ignoring more traditional constructs in their regions.
Regarding the currently coordinated organizations, they are:
America
* Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra -
United States
* Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Colombia
* Federación Anarquista Santiago - Chile
* Roja y Negra, Organización Política Anarquista - Buenos Aires, Argentina
* Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (CALA)
* Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CALA):
* Federação Anarquista Gaúcha - Rio Grande do Sul
* Federação Anarquista Cabana - Belem do Pará
* Organização Resistência Libertária - Ceará
* Federação Anarquista Quilombo de Resistência - Bahia
* Federação Anarquista dos Palmares - Alagoas
* Coletivo Anarquista Luta de Classe - Paraná
* Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra - Santa Catarina
* Organização Anarquista Maria Iêda - Pernambuco
* También hay una construcción anarquista en la Argentina formada por:
* Federación Anarquista de Rosario (CALA)
* Organización Anarquista de Tucumán
* Organización Anarquista de Córdoba
* Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz
* Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Buenos Aires
Europe
* Anarchist Communist Group - Great Britain
* Die Plattform - Germany
* Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
* Midada, Libertär, Sozialistisch, Organisiert - Switzerland
* Organisation Socialiste Libertaire - Switzerland
* Union Communiste Libertaire - France, Belgium y Switzerland
Middle East
* Tekosîna Anarsîst - Rojava
Pacific Asia
* Anarchist Worker Solidarity Movement - New Zealand
* Anarchist Solidarity / Anarchist Yondae / ????? ?? - South Korea
* Anarchist Communist Federation - Australia:
* ACF-Brisbaine - Anarchist Communists Meanjin
* ACF-Melbourne - Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group
* ACF-Geelong - Geelong Anarchist Communists
Currently, there are other libertarian communist groups and
organizations in the United States, Canada, Brazil (the new OSL is
noteworthy due to its size), Italy, Spain, Great Britain, France, the
Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, Finland, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey,
Indonesia, and New Zealand. These groups do not belong to the
International Coordination, but maintain contact with one or more of the
current's organizations, which now number several dozens altogether. Of
course, they are also an active part of the entire movement, as the
Coordination is by no means the entire movement, nor does it claim to
be. In any case, these hundreds (or thousands already) of international
militants are building a solid libertarian alternative that has already
positioned itself within the broader anarchist movement.
Overview
We will conclude by reviewing the current's periods:
* The anarcho-communist current of anarchism dates back to its very
beginnings with the International Alliance for Socialist Democracy. Its
tradition can be traced over the decades. After World War II, this
current was reduced to very few countries. Of these, France, Italy, and
Uruguay had the most prominent movements, surviving into the 1980s
despite all kinds of difficulties.
* In the 1980s, several solid organizations were created that would last
for many years: OSL (founded in 1982 in Switzerland), WSM (founded in
1984, Ireland), FdCA (1986, Italy), Union des Travailleurs Communistes
Libertaires (1986, France), FAG (1985, Brazil), FAU (reorganized in
1986, Uruguay), and Anarchist Federation (1986, Great Britain, which was
initially anarcho-communist). These organizations maintained contact
with each other, but the synthesist and anarcho-syndicalist currents
predominated by far within the anarchist movement.
* In the 1990s, new organizations began to emerge. Alternative
Libertaire (1991, France; derived from previous organizations), FAG
(1995), and OSL (1997) in Brazil; OSL (1996), ORA (Rosario), and AUCA
(La Plata) in Argentina; CUAC in Chile (1999), among others; various
groups in the United States and Canada; ORA (1996, Czech Republic); WSF
(1995, South Africa)... Forming an organic relationship, on the one
hand, in Latin America through the FAU and FAG, and on the other, in
Europe through Alternative Libertaire, OSL, and FdCA, whose union fronts
are approaching the CGT-E, and the latter invites them to its meetings.
In parallel, the Anarchist Platform mailing list emerged, bringing
Anglo-Saxon platformism into contact.
* In the years 1999-2003, the articulation of the movement accelerated
through the resistance movement against capitalist globalization. Groups
and organizations emerged in many places (too many to list here),
creating spaces for interaction, such as ELAOPA, the Jornadas
Anarquistas, and CALA in Latin America, and SIL in Europe, although the
latter also provided solidarity with initiatives in the South. The
entire anarcho-communist movement expanded.
* 2004-2009 period. These were years of ebb and flow in social
struggles. Yet, the movement already maintained political relations.
This resulted in the creation of anarkismo.net (2005), the signing of
solidarity declarations and the first international meetings. The global
economic and financial crisis of 2008 erupted.
* In the years 2010-2014, there was again a strong expansion and
coordination. Initiatives multiplied: the anarchism network
consolidated, new declarations were signed, the Saint Imier meeting was
held (2012), and new groups and organizations emerged, and the anarchist
movement reached new countries where it had no presence in Asia and Africa.
* 2015-2019 Period. Once again, a period of ebb and flow. Some veteran
organizations disbanded, others entered into crisis and stagnation, and
others suffered from splits or changed their ideological line. However,
the previous inertia continued to produce new organizations.
* Finally, the period from 2020 to the present has given rise to greater
international coordination and a climate conducive to the creation of
new organizations, aided by the crisis experienced by other currents of
anarchism. At this point, the libertarian communist movement is no
longer unknown. It is not large, of course, but it appears much more
solid than other currents of anarchism.
Bibliography
Primary Sources:
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https://www.anarkismo.net/article/34361
https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/07/23/anarkismo-net-20-anos-tejiendo-redes/
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