On August 28 in Jakarta, Indonesia, the police deliberately ran over a
21-year-old delivery driver named Affan Kurniawan with an armored truck.Indonesians have been protesting the government and its various scandals
since the ascension of Prabowo Subianto, an open authoritarian and
son-in-law of the dictator Suharto. Affan's murder was the final spark
needed that led to mass unrest and insurrection against the government
across the country. ---- The protests have been covered in detail across
anarchist media, including Freedom and Organise! Indonesian anarchists
have spoken out directly through Persaudaraan Pekerja Anarko Sindikalis
(PPAS) and Perhimpunan Merdeka
Two anarchists on the ground, Jungkir and Kimmy, have offered their
perspectives on the ensuing protests. You can support the protestors
directly by donating to Serikat Napi Lintas-Lapas (Inter-Correctional
Prisoner Union).
What is the latest situation with the protests and repression? We
understand it has been going on in multiple cities. Has the government
tried to shut down the internet or other communications?
Jungkir: To suppress the rebellion, the government manipulated the
weather by causing artificial rain. We also experienced simultaneous
disruptions on social media and suspected government interference with
Meta. There were no power outages, only signal disruptions at the
demonstration site. Nearly a dozen civilians have died, four when the
House of Representatives (DPR) building burned down, and six others due
to police violence, such as being run over by armored vehicles, police
beatings, and tear gas. This wave, unlike previous ones, was very
violent and claimed far more lives. The initiative for the
demonstrations no longer came from the consolidation of formal
organizations like student organizations and labor unions, but instead
emerged organically from the general public. This is progress. In the
past, it had been difficult for ordinary people to participate in
demonstrations because they were suspected of not being part of an
official labor organization or student body if they were not wearing
alma mater jackets. Furthermore, support for violent actions has
increased, whereas in the past, we anarchists were always scapegoated
and blamed by society, the press, and the government.
The protests de-escalated on September 3, 2025, due to calls from a
group of liberal influencers who argued that the violent demonstrations
were a government plot to pave the way for martial law. We believe this
analysis is problematic, flawed, and overthinking. The government would
suffer significant political and economic losses from the imposition of
martial law, so it was an option they were desperate to avoid. However,
the calls to halt the protests proved to be very influential, as their
followers opposed calls for action in various regions.
Kimmy: Demonstrations took place in 107 locations across 32 provinces
from August 25-28, 2025. Following the death of an online motorcycle
taxi driver on August 28, the protests escalated. Smaller cities that
have so far been almost unexposed to protest actions like "Tolak Omnibus
Law" or "Indonesia Gelap," such as Pekalongan, Blitar, Tasikmalaya,
Jambi, Palembang, Palopo, etc., have also begun to mobilize.
The government has attempted numerous repressions and restrictions on
internet and electricity networks in general. Many big tech companies
readily comply with state orders, further reinforcing our long-standing
analysis that corporations are not partners in the struggle, no matter
how often they claim to advocate free speech. TikTok, one of the most
widely used social media platforms in Indonesia, removed its Live
feature, previously used by the public to broadcast demonstrations in
real time, also known as citizen journalism, while connecting multiple
points of resistance. The government claimed that TikTok voluntarily
removed the Live feature because it was considered to be broadcasting
violence. Ironically, as of September 2, 2025, TikTok re-enabled the
Live feature, just at the moment when the escalation of demonstrations
had already declined.
At several points where the escalation of demonstrations turned into
asymmetric urban warfare, such as in Kwitang (Jakarta) and Bandung, the
government carried out total blackouts of electricity and internet
networks. Digital repression also targeted anarchist comrades as well as
civilians who were labeled as provocateurs of the actions. These attacks
took the form of doxxing, online harassment and threats, and even
(social media) account breaches.
Mainstream media reports that the riots were triggered by the killing of
a driver, but are there deeper social problems in the background? What
are the root causes of the eruption?
Jungkir: The history of uprisings over the past half decade is too vast
to fully recount, but at present it has flared up again due to several
factors. First, the government imposed massive tax hikes. Second,
members of parliament enjoyed a significant salary increase at the same
time the President was calling for austerity policy. Third, public
statements from the President, the Minister of Finance, members of
parliament, and even regional leaders have been harsh, insensitive, and
provocative. These factors sparked demonstrations in several cities,
beginning in Pati and Bone, and then erupting in the capital, Jakarta,
after an online courier was run over and killed by a police vehicle. The
following day, the uprisings spontaneously spread to many cities,
targeting police posts, police stations, and parliament offices, and
today, Saturday, September 30, 2025, they have also extended to the
private homes of parliament members and political party offices.
Kimmy: The bourgeois media is attempting to obscure the fact that these
mass protests are being framed merely as a reaction to police violence
that led to the death of a very young Gojek (motorcycle taxi) driver. In
reality, the August protests began for very different reasons. It all
started with the plan of the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR
RI) to raise their already exorbitant salaries and allowances, at a time
when waves of layoffs, the collapse of the labor market, and
skyrocketing living costs have made survival increasingly difficult.
Instead, the people were forced to witness the arrogance of the elite.
Recently, parliament even increased their housing allowance to nearly
ten times the minimum wage, while more than 150 million Indonesians work
with incomes below that threshold. Subsidies for the people are being
slashed, while funds continue to be poured into officials, the military,
and repressive apparatuses.
The insensitivity of Indonesian officials has become a catalyst for the
anger of the people who have long been living in crisis. At a time when
millions are losing their jobs and the prices of basic necessities
continue to skyrocket, they instead make irrational statements-such as
calling the people stupid for protesting or claiming that members of
parliament deserve high salaries because they are not commoners. The
people's anger today is the culmination of deep disillusionment with
those in power, not only over economic issues but also over a crisis of
political legitimacy, compounded by the arrogance of public officials
who view the people as a burden and a mere commodity of votes.
What was the state of the anarchist movement in Indonesia just before
the riots? To what extent are anarchists specifically involved in these
protests versus wider anti-government movements? Are left parties trying
to take advantage?
Jungkir: Since 2019, we have experienced recurring waves of uprisings.
Anarchists have always been steadfast at the frontlines of these
rebellions, playing a significant role in organizing at sites of
eviction and land struggles, in the student and youth movement, among
football supporters, and within the underground music scene. Many
anarchists have contributed their energy to street battles, as well as
to propaganda through both alternative media and popular culture.
However, contributions in the form of writings and original ideas remain
relatively scarce. Most of the work has revolved around translating
literature from Europe and America, which we feel is highly Eurocentric.
Even so, most of us are not organized or federated. The first national
anarchist organization was only initiated in 2023, after we translated
the Rio de Janeiro Anarchist Federation (FARJ) book, "Social Anarchism
and Organization." We have already held our first pre-congress and are
optimistic about our future. Nevertheless, we face strong opposition
from anti-organizational anarchists.
There is a socialist united front in which anarchists have not taken
part. We have been promoting anti-sectarianism based on ideology, and on
the ground we have informally connected and established contact with
other activists. Today, the leftist movement in general has reached an
agreement around the idea of a people's council and Democratic
Confederalism - except for a small number of purist anarchists.
Kimmy: Anarchists have always been at the forefront of many protests and
grassroots organizing. From resisting evictions and agrarian conflicts,
to involvement in student and youth movements, football supporter
communities, and the underground music scene. Many comrades have
contributed their energy to street actions and spread propaganda through
alternative media such as zines and independent publications. Though
fewer in number, there are also initiatives in historical and
anthropological research on anarchism, which have been quite valuable in
filling the gaps in knowledge about anarchism in Indonesia.
In recent years, anti-organizational tendencies have grown stronger,
sparking an increase in insurrectionary actions within various protests.
We value this diversity of tactics and, of course, we gladly support and
celebrate direct attacks against capitalist and state institutions that
continue to oppress. But we also recognize that the state and capital
have consolidated themselves with great strength - meaning that
anarchists, too, need to do the same. This requires us to build
coordination, consolidation, mapping, study groups, knowledge exchange,
and also to carry out the kinds of work often considered tedious:
writing, managing social media, keeping track of income and expenses,
and handling other technical aspects.
Up to now, anarchists in Indonesia remain far from being truly
organized, and as a result are highly dependent on other parties who are
often not so friendly toward us. For instance, legal aid for comrades
facing repression, street medics, safehouses, and financial support
networks are still largely provided by external groups. Militancy must
also be sustained by safety nets and logistics - and this is where
organization becomes crucial. We attempted a trial-and-error approach
during May Day 2025, when many anarchists took on the role of organizing
protests in multiple regions, and later managed to save themselves and
disappear from the radar thanks to the social support networks we had
been building, such as safehouses, financial assistance, psychological
support, and more.
Can you tell us a bit more about your efforts to develop a specifically
anarchist organization?
Kimmy: We began from the small circles we already had. Some of us knew
each other through the same organizations and social movements, through
friendships on the internet, or from older anarchist networks. We were
inspired by the CNT-FAI, which diligently carried out the so-called
boring tasks - the kinds of things that were not considered "militant"
or as cool as burning police cars. We held learning circles
consistently, even if only 3-5 people attended. We built bonds and
treated anarchism not just as an ideology, but as a way of living our
lives. From these small circles, we grew. By adding one new comrade at a
time, spreading anarchist influence in movements and protests, we
eventually managed to gain significant influence within several social
organizations while also expanding the number of militants in PM as a
political organization.
We are involved in various sectors of social organization - some in
labor unions, the women's movement, student movements, queer organizing,
Indigenous struggles, peasant movements, and even prisoner organizing!
We usually call this social insertion. Beyond succeeding (and, of
course, often failing as well) in influencing social organizations to
become more egalitarian, autonomous, and combative, we have also managed
to connect different sectors of social movements that had long been
operating separately - for example, involving queer activists in labor
union struggles, and conversely, pushing unions to stand in solidarity
with queer struggles. While this may sound exciting, believe us, it is
exhausting, and we are not as big as you might imagine. But we remain
consistent and supportive of one another, which allows us to keep
growing, even if slowly.
How has your organization and other anarchists intervened in the social
struggles in the current uprising?
Kimmy: Many of our members hold respected positions in student
organizations, NGO circles, workers' unions, and LGBTQ movements in
their areas. This gives us greater opportunities to push social
struggles so they are not co-opted by political parties or reduced to
being "moderate." Many of our members are also part of protest logistics
initiatives that are often overlooked but are absolutely vital - such as
street medics and community kitchens. We mobilize donations in a short
time, dedicate our energy and spirit to cooking meals for demonstrators,
learn basic health techniques to serve as emergency medical teams,
connect "fugitives" with our safehouse networks, and much more. Many of
us are directly involved in protests, burning and attacking the police,
but we also take pride in our consistency in carrying out the so-called
boring tasks that are often neglected - yet prove essential in keeping
the struggle alive in the face of state repression.
Have there been any "demands" or messages coming out of the protests?
Long term, do you see any potential systemic changes coming as a result
of this direct action?
Jungkir: There are too many organizations, networks, and groups
formulating demands. Even each city has its own unique demands. There
are two revolutionary demands: the first from the Perserikatan Sosialis
(PS), and the other, a loose, informal, and decentralized network that
issued the Declaration of the Indonesian Federalist Revolution 2025,
which calls for the dissolution of the unitary state and the DPR system
and its replacement with a Democratic Confederalism of thousands of
people's councils for the implementation of direct democracy.
Progressive liberals call for a more reformist call, the 17+8 demand.
Insurrectionary anarchists, individualists, and post-leftists focus on
attacks and street clashes, calling for the destruction of the state and
civilization, but without bothering with a platform or program. There is
no united front, but we avoid excessive ideological sectarianism. While
there's no single issue, the discourse simultaneously centers on three:
tax increases, police violence, and, most importantly, the dissolution
of the House of Representatives.
Whether this will lead to systemic change is difficult to answer. The
riots in Pati City, Central Java, against tax increases and the
resignation of the regent, for example, only resulted in tax cuts, not
in the removal of the officials themselves. Even amid widespread
criticism and calls for his resignation, the regent remained in office
and merely issued an apology. Officials in Indonesia are shameless. The
same holds true for politicians, ministers, and even heads of state at
higher levels. Today, liberal influencers have formulated the 17+8
demands, with a short-term deadline of September 5. But the government's
only response has been the revocation of certain parliamentary
allowances. Yet bloody riots have already occurred and claimed lives.
This shows that petitions, demonstrations, civil disobedience, and
street clashes alone are insufficient. The only real threat to the state
and capital is a general strike, but unfortunately, the labor movement
is highly disorganized. Therefore, the people will only be able to
channel their accumulated anger through riots or perhaps even lone-wolf
terrorism. If this chaos continues, I fear it will lead not to a
revolution for systemic change, but to civil war accompanied by
separatist movements, or to demoralization. Both are bad options, but we
have no choice other than to increase our militancy.
Are these protests related to larger systemic questions about the police
and the State in Indonesia? Do perspectives on police map on to similar
protests in the US and Europe (e.g., protests after Sarah Everard was
killed by UK police, Black Lives Matter...), specifically with a focus
on racial/ethnic and gender repression?
Jungkir: Of course. The police here are very corrupt; they will not help
the poor but treat officials and the rich with great kindness. Anarchist
propaganda plays a role in articulating hatred toward the police, but
most of it is an organic expression of lived experiences stemming from
class-based disparities and police violence. Several cases of police and
military brutality have surfaced. Earlier this year, in February, the
punk band Sukatani's social critique song "Bayar Bayar Bayar"[Pay Pay
Pay]went viral after the police intimidated them. The death of Affan, an
online transport worker killed by the police, only accelerated the
fierce uprising. We believe hundreds of police posts and stations were
burned, and clashes erupted in many places. Police and soldiers were
even doused with gasoline and set on fire.
Without compromising your security and the security of others, can you
tell us a bit about the organization of the current protests? Is there
coordination between sites of struggle in the current uprisings?
Jungkir: All civil society organizations, NGOs, and revolutionary
political organizations are carrying out their own consolidations or
doing so with their allies, but there is no centralized coordination.
Again, without compromising your security and the security of others, do
the protesters have strategies for revolutionary self-defense?
Jungkir: None. The issue of strategy has not been widely discussed.
There have been some sporadic proposals, but no popular consensus. For
the time being, it seems that the discourse on rebellion will be
compromised by liberal influencers who are highly popular and
influential. There are several popular debates about violent versus
peaceful action, but we do not know where this will lead.
Communication from comrades in Indonesia on the "Black Scare"
A silent police operation against the anarchist network is underway.
Just got an update from Bandung city, West Java, Indonesia. Around 40
anarchist suspects have already been arrested. Almost all of them are
part of an anarchist network. The police are trying to find out who is
handling the funding and the social media admins connected to the
network. They will arrest people known to be linked with those social
media admins. The West Java Regional Police sweep is not limited to that
area. They have already carried out sweeps outside their jurisdiction as
well. Some have already been arrested in Makassar, eastern Indonesia and
East Java too.
Almost all LBH (Legal Aid Institute) offices under National Legal Aid
Foundation (YLBHI) are not being given access to provide legal
assistance. The police will appoint special legal counsels who are
related to the police.
https://www.anarchistfederation.net/anarchists-in-the-indonesian-insurrections-of-august-september-2025/
_________________________________________
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