The contemporary political scene is characterized by an overwhelming
heaviness. Internationally, the situation is alarming: we are witnessinga daily drift toward authoritarianism and fascistism, particularly south
of the border.
In Quebec, this anxiety is manifested in an escalation of identity
politics fueled by parties like the PQ and the CAQ. Their strategy is to
blame all of society's ills-the housing crisis, the education crisis,
the health crisis-on "the other," that is, immigrants or newcomers.
This tactic serves to mask their incompetence and the deleterious
effects of their own policies, which historically and currently consist of:
-Giving gifts to big business;
-Cutting taxes for the wealthy;
-Drastically weakening public services, a trend that is part of a
government continuity dating back well beyond Legault's seven years
(Couillard, Charest, Landry, Bouchard, etc.).
The Foundations of the Anti-Fascist Struggle
According to La Horde, "Anti-fascism has become a struggle to be
defended" (p. 8). This necessity was accentuated when the "orange clown"
declared anti-fascists (antifas) a domestic terrorist organization.
Despite the allegations of the Quebec far right-one of whose influential
figures claimed on Quebec radio that the antifas were nothing more than
a Stalinist invention-history tells us otherwise. La Horde reminds us
that anti-fascism existed even before the birth of Benito Mussolini's
fascist party. Before bearing this name, activists were already
organizing against the far right, then known as "the reaction." (p. 9)
The Multiple Dimensions of the Movement
Antifascism is a multifaceted movement and cannot be reduced to a single
category. It is simultaneously:
-A "self-defense movement"
-A "revolutionary political current"
-A "counterculture" (p. 11)
Its roots are deeply embedded in the history of left-wing organizations.
During the interwar period, antifascism was structured and developed
primarily "within the political organizations of the workers' movement
(communist, socialist, and anarchist)" (p. 14). It is therefore a
well-established political and social tradition, born of the fight
against authoritarianism.
Defensive Racism
The modern far right is built on five fundamental ideological pillars:
racism, sexism (including homophobia and transphobia), nationalism,
traditionalism, and authoritarianism.
A major tactical shift is observed: the shift from offensive racism to
defensive racism. The latter aims to deny the systemic foundations of
racism and reverse role perceptions.
This defensive racism is articulated around several mechanisms. It is
expressed through the injunction to "put an end to repentance," a
rejection of all historical guilt, and a denial of structural racism. In
Canada, this is illustrated by the comments of Maxime Bernier (leader of
the PPC), who called the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation a
"hoax" and denounced "false white guilt and the scam based on it." Added
to this is the active exploitation of anti-Muslim sentiment
(Islamophobia) to stir up fear and division. Finally, the movement
propagates fallacious theories, such as the "Great Replacement," which
claims that so-called "historical" populations are victims of a
demographic threat, thus transforming minorities and immigrant
populations into presumed aggressors. This tactic clearly aims to
reverse power relations.
The Mask of Ideological Vacuity
The current far right is distinguished by its lack of a comprehensive
program. La Horde emphasizes that these movements "[...]are not
affiliated with any specific current" (p. 9). To mask this ideological
vacuity, they resort to semantic camouflage, concealing their objectives
behind deliberately vague and normalizing labels such as "identitarian,"
"conservative," or simply "right-wing." This allows them to attract a
wider audience while avoiding committing to clear or radical political
positions.
Antifascism: Response to Violence
The question of violence is central to the debate on antifascism.
On the one hand, Mathieu Bock-Côté criticizes antifascism as a violent
ultra-left militia that uses the label to discredit its opponents and
justify its own violence.
On the other hand, antifascist organizations like Horde argue that while
the violence of antifascism is often "pointed out," it is by forgetting
that it is "first and foremost a response to the violence that
constitutes far-right movements" (p. 14).
Anti-fascism is therefore fundamentally positioned as a reaction to the
inherent and historical violence of the movements it combats.
In short, the urgency of anti-fascism is more pressing than ever, fueled
by a convergence of threats ranging from international authoritarianism
to the escalation of Quebec identity. Faced with the political
exploitation of internal crises and the use of defensive racism by the
nationalist right and the far right, the need for action is clear.
Being anti-fascist means, above all, being against racism and
authoritarianism. It is an essential political and social struggle to
defend the principles of equality and emancipation in the face of any
attempt at division or the inversion of power relations.
It's a struggle reminiscent of Terence's famous Latin maxim, "Homo sum,
humani nihil a me alienum puto" (I am human, and nothing human is alien
to me), which has been modernized to become: "No human is alien on this
earth." This ideal places the emancipation of all human beings at the
heart of the anti-fascist struggle.
Source: La Horde, Dix questions sur l'antifascisme, libertalia, 2023, 202 p.
by Collectif Emma Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2025/10/antifa-plus-que-jamais.html
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten