News about the truce are piling up, and while the poor remains of the
deceased hostages are gradually being returned to their loved ones,between one bombing and another, the cold and cynical mass media
accounts record hundreds more deaths among Gazans, mostly boys and
girls: just simple numbers without identity, without image, dehumanized
as always. ---- As I write, news is arriving of the US proposal for a
security corridor for the transfer of Hamas militants from areas
controlled by the Israeli army and those temporarily abandoned by the
IDF, along with a further commitment by the Trump administration to
establish a new Palestinian police force to control the Strip-trained
and controlled by the US, Egypt, and Jordan-supported by a military
force made up of soldiers from Arab and Muslim countries such as
Indonesia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, and Turkey, under the aegis of a "Peace
Council" led by Trump and his followers. On the one hand, these news
signals US recognition-beyond bellicose declarations-of Hamas's
existence as a political entity, and no longer just a terrorist one. On
the other, they demonstrate how the US itself wants to force the
situation to make the Tel Aviv government accept Turkey's role in the
area, an increasingly invasive presence in an area rich in energy
resources, but also a hub for digital interconnections between
continents. It is no coincidence that the issue of the division of
Cyprus and Turkey's alert in defense of its enclave have resurfaced.
At the same time, the United Nations reports that 24,000 tons of aid
have entered Gaza since the ceasefire began. However, although aid
volumes have increased considerably compared to before, the NGOs present
continue to denounce their inadequacy, the lack of funding, and the
difficulties in relations with the Israeli authorities. Only two of the
six crossings are open; Furthermore, the water network is practically
destroyed, and drinking water is only available from cisterns, which
meet 20-30% of the population's needs. Ninety percent of the population
has lost all sources of income and depends exclusively on humanitarian
aid. With the arrival of winter, finding housing solutions becomes
increasingly urgent-at least 300,000 tents are estimated to be needed to
shelter those who have lost everything-while healthcare facilities, with
very few exceptions, are out of order.
Meanwhile, in Israel, the families of the hostages, awaiting the bodies
still under the rubble, are calling on the government to resume its
offensive until all are returned. Meanwhile, a large demonstration of
200,000 ultra-Orthodox youth in Jerusalem is vigorously protesting
against compulsory military service, from which they have so far been
exempted for religious reasons. Even as they support the most extreme
wings of the plan-Bible in hand-for a greater Israel, from the Nile to
the Euphrates, including Damascus and Baghdad, including the destruction
of the al-Aqsa Mosque-a sacred site for Islam-on whose ruins the Third
Temple of Solomon will be built.
In this context, the truce is showing all its fragility, with harsh
Israeli reprisals, the fluidity of the borders and occupation zones, and
Hamas's resistance to the planned disarmament, especially after being
appointed by the Americans as police. Fragile, but holding. In the
background are the "Abraham Accords," pushed by Trump during his first
presidency, along with the recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
These agreements were designed to continue and intensify business ties
between himself and his son-in-law Jared Kushner, with Arab partners
from the Emirates and Saudi Arabia, and with the collaboration of Tony
Blair, a consultant to British Petroleum, who went down in history for
his false justifications for the West's attack on Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
The Abraham Accords are keystones for the long-awaited "cotton route"
that would connect India to Europe, passing through the Israeli ports of
Haifa and Ashdod, an alternative to China's "Silk Road," sealing the
growing antagonism between the US and China, the full impact of which
the recent meeting between Trump and Xi highlighted for world trade and
the respective, albeit incomplete, division of spheres of influence.
Trump's business-minded pragmatism was certainly needed to reach a truce
and the 20-point 'peace' plan, after seeing his role in the region
called into question with the Israeli attack on Qatar and forcing
Netanyahu to apologize to the emir.
His diktat regarding the Knesset's decision to annex much of the West
Bank, as well as his withdrawal from the proposal to expel Palestinians
from the Strip and his mention of Marwan Barghouti's name, also indicate
that the game is too big to slavishly follow the dreams of Bibi and his
henchmen. But that's not all.
The growing intolerance of Jewish communities around the world (there
are as many Jews in the US as in Israel) toward the Tel Aviv
government's genocidal policies-the recent open letter from prominent
Jewish figures around the world calling on the United Nations and world
leaders to impose sanctions on Israel for what they describe as actions
amounting to genocide in Gaza (https://jewsdemandaction.org/italiano)
(https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/22/jewish-notables-open-letter-un-sanction-israel)-the
ongoing demonstrations around the world, as well as the latest US polls,
which for the first time show a negative result for Israel, must have
had some effect on the decisions taken. How definitive and effective
they will be, of course, remains to be seen. If for many years the
existence - and even the creation - of the enemy (see the ambiguous
relationship with Hamas in its anti-PNA function) provided Netanyahu
with the weapon for the country's unity, at a time of grave internal
crisis, and the pretext to thwart the two-state solution, with the aim
of definitively incorporating the West Bank, today - after Trump's
agreement with the Houthis in Yemen and the US overtures towards Iran
following the bombings of June this year - Bibi must find a way out that
will allow him to maintain power in a very complicated social and
political situation. With the formal annexation of the West Bank
postponed, the informal but effective annexation continues, with
settlers, supported by the government and backed by the army, engaged in
driving Palestinians from their lands by burning homes, beatings and
murders, stealing livestock, and uprooting olive trees, their main
source of income. This is a method used by colonizers everywhere and
throughout history (who could forget the extermination of bison during
the "conquest" of the West?). But how long can Israel continue its
warlike policy, and how long can it sustain the economic burden of such
a policy? Beyond its facade of a monolithic country, "Super Sparta,"
Israel is plagued by major internal contradictions, exacerbated by an
unfavorable international environment: the United States is also in
crisis, and Trump's attempts at resolution, however spectacular, must
contend with the "internal" war he has unleashed against the opposition,
immigrants, and so on. The international stage serves his own business,
not the country he presides over.
The demographic growth of the ultra-Orthodox (Haredim), with their
accompanying privileges, will increase conflict with the secular part of
the country, just as massive Russian immigration is shifting the
country's center of gravity to the detriment of the Mizrahi, Jews from
Arab countries. Furthermore, there are growing signs of opposition
within the establishment itself: very recently, news of the denunciation
of the inhumane treatment and torture to which Palestinian detainees are
subjected in Israeli prisons led to the resignation of the Attorney
General of the Armed Forces. And this while the mobilization of
refuseniks (conscription evaders and objectors), Jewish organizations
defending Palestinian rights like B'Tselem, and opponents of occupation
and war, who have always been targeted by government repression,
continues unabated.
And then there is the resistance of the Palestinians, especially that of
the population who, despite everything, resists settler attacks, land
expropriation, the destruction of villages, and ethnic cleansing in the
West Bank, supported primarily by Bezalel Smotrich, the Finance
Minister, amidst the essentially passive Palestinian National Authority
whose intelligence services collaborate with Israeli ones in controlling
the population. And then there is the Gaza people who, despite the
terrible conditions in which they are forced to survive, the victim of
decisions over which they have no choice, shun any offer of exile, of
leaving a tormented land with more than 80% of its buildings destroyed
or damaged.
In his recent book, "The End of Israel," Israeli historian Ilan Pappé
predicts the country's rapid collapse, due to the growing conflict
between its two souls: one rooted in original Zionism and the other in
the religious ultra-Zionism formed in the school of American Rabbi Meir
Kahane, who advocated the deportation of all Palestinians and Arabs from
the biblical territories of Greater Israel. But whatever the development
of the situation in that devastated land, we must surely expect further
suffering and bloodshed. Will international and internationalist
mobilization succeed in profoundly overturning the current state of
affairs? Will it succeed in raising the issue of a different management
of the territories, free from borders and exclusionary identities,
finally aware of the destructive value of nationalism and the
constructive value of self-managing federalism?
Massimo Varengo
https://umanitanova.org/palestina-genocidio-senza-tregua/
_________________________________________
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