In November 2024, what may be considered the largest student movement in
Europe since the 1960s erupted in Serbia. The spark was a tragic
event-the collapse of a train station roof in Novi Sad-which transformed
anger over government corruption and inefficiency into a wave of
collective mobilization. Since then, students have occupied faculties
and universities across the country, suspending classes and transforming
classrooms into permanent assembly spaces. The protests quickly spread
to over 250 cities, towns, and villages, giving rise to a movement that
has brought the rule of law, the functioning of institutions, and the
democratization of Serbian society back to the center of public debate.
The chosen slogan, "Nisi nadlezan" ("It's Not Your Competence"), has
become a symbol of the protests: a direct criticism of President
Aleksandar Vucic, accused of exceeding the constitutional limits of his
mandate.
This article compares the 2024/2025 student movement with previous
protests in Serbia-the 1968 and 1996/1997 protests-to understand how
student mobilizations can effectively "dictate" political change.
The slogan "Nisi nadlezan" and the movement's origins
The motto that gives the movement its title, "Nisi nadlezan"-which in
Serbian literally means "It's Not Your Competence"-was adopted from the
first days of the protests. With this phrase, the students wanted to
send a clear message: President Aleksandar Vucic must respect the limits
of his constitutional role and stop directly interfering in the
functioning of institutions.
The movement's explosion did not occur in a vacuum. For years, Serbian
society had been marked by systemic corruption, a lack of transparency,
and the progressive centralization of political power. However, the
collective outrage was triggered by a tragic and symbolic event: the
collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad train station on November 1, 2024,
which claimed numerous lives. The incident exposed not only the
negligence of the authorities, but also the profound political
responsibilities associated with the management of public works.
Since that event, the students have transformed their grief and anger
into organization. The first assemblies were held within the occupied
faculties, where it was decided to extend the protest nationwide. In
just a few weeks, more than 250 locations-from large urban centers to
small villages-have been swept by marches, demonstrations, and
solidarity initiatives.
The movement's strength also lies in its ability to communicate simply
and directly. "Nisi nadlezan" is more than just a slogan: it summarizes
the rift between citizens and power, and a way of asserting that
politics cannot appropriate every aspect of public life.
Organization and Strategies
From its earliest days, the student movement has distinguished itself
by its horizontal structure and its rejection of any form of centralized
leadership. Key decisions are made in plenums, open assemblies in which
all participants have the right to speak and vote.
To streamline daily operations, several working groups have been
created: communications, logistics, security, media relations, and
fundraising. In this way, the movement manages to coordinate without
sacrificing the principle of horizontality.
Another important feature is the rotation of spokespeople: each day, a
different face appears before journalists, ensuring that no single
leader emerges to be targeted with repression or defamation. This
approach has reinforced the idea that this is not a movement led by
individual figures, but by a determined collective.
Financially, the initiatives are supported through spontaneous donations
and online campaigns, which have allowed them to maintain their
independence from political forces and parties.
Thanks to this organization, the university occupations held out for
weeks, transforming the faculties into open political spaces, places for
debate and self-education. The choice of a horizontal and inclusive
model has made it difficult for the government to isolate leaders,
fragment the movement, or repress it with targeted arrests.
Demands and initial results
From the beginning, the movement formulated a series of concrete
demands, aimed at addressing both those immediately responsible for the
Novi Sad tragedy and the structural issues of Serbian politics.
Among the main demands:
* the publication of all documents related to the reconstruction and
maintenance of the collapsed railway station;
* the identification and punishment of those directly responsible, both
among the builders and public officials;
* the resignation of the ministers and officials involved, with the
assumption of political responsibility;
* an increase in the budget allocated to higher education and research;
* greater transparency of institutions and strict adherence to
constitutional limits by the President.
The protests have also produced concrete results: under pressure from
the protests, Prime Minister Milosh Vucevic and several members of the
government have resigned. A parliamentary inquiry into railway
infrastructure procurement has also been launched.
It should be noted, however, that the movement has not explicitly called
for the removal of President Vucic. Rather, the students insist that he
respect the constitutional limits of his office and not concentrate
powers that do not belong to him.
Historical Precedents: 1968 and 1996/1997
To better understand the significance of the 2024/2025 movement, the
author compares it to two crucial moments in recent Serbian history: the
student protests of 1968 and 1996/1997.
In 1968, in the midst of socialist Yugoslavia, students occupied
universities and took to the streets to protest the economic reform that
accentuated social inequality and the bureaucracy of the system.
Although forcefully repressed, those demonstrations opened a space for
criticism that marked an entire generation.
Between 1996 and 1997, however, young people were at the forefront of
the mobilizations against Slobodan Miloshevic's government, which had
refused to recognize the results of the municipal elections won by the
opposition. For months, Belgrade and other cities were gripped by
demonstrations and occupations: eventually, the regime was forced to
recognize the opposition's victory in several municipalities, marking
the first crack in Miloshevic's authoritarianism.
Compared to these precedents, the current movement takes place in a
different context: today's Serbia is neither a socialist country nor an
open dictatorship, but a formal democracy characterized by a strong
centralization of power, media control, and widespread corruption.
Continuity with the past is seen in the students' ability to transform
the university into a political forum and give voice to broader social
discontent. But there are also significant differences: today's protests
must confront a much more fragmented society and a political class that
has learned to neutralize dissent with partial promises or cosmetic reforms.
Limits, Challenges, and Prospects
The student movement of 2024/2025 has already achieved tangible results,
but it faces decisive challenges.
The choice of a horizontal, leaderless organization is both a strength
and a vulnerability. On the one hand, it makes it difficult for the
government to target arrests or delegitimize a charismatic leader; on
the other, it can hinder the ability to develop a long-term political
strategy.
A real risk is that the authorities will resort to cosmetic reforms,
with symbolic resignations and partial investigations, without truly
addressing the structures of power and corruption. The government's
control over the media also poses an obstacle: the official narrative
often seeks to portray the protests as disorderly or manipulated by the
opposition, thus undermining their legitimacy.
Yet, despite these limitations, the movement has already demonstrated
that civil society in Serbia is capable of setting the political agenda,
forcing those in power to respond to demands that would otherwise have
been ignored. The main lesson is that students, organized collectively
and in solidarity, can become a political actor capable of impacting
public life, just as they did in the past.
The future of the movement remains open. Much will depend on its ability
to maintain lively participation, forge alliances with other social
sectors, and transform the energy of the streets into lasting
institutional change.
*Note about the author
Katarina Beshirevic teaches and conducts research at the Faculty of
Philosophy in Belgrade. She closely follows social movements and youth
struggles in the Balkans, with a particular focus on processes of
grassroots democratization.
Source
Translation from the article by Katarina Beshirevic, ""Nisi nadlezan":
How a Student Movement Dictates Political Change in Serbia (2024/2025),"
Contemporary Southeastern Europe, vol. 12, no. 1, 2025, pp. 30-38. DOI:
10.25364/02.12:2025.1.3.
The author's notes have been omitted from the translation.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Europe since the 1960s erupted in Serbia. The spark was a tragic
event-the collapse of a train station roof in Novi Sad-which transformed
anger over government corruption and inefficiency into a wave of
collective mobilization. Since then, students have occupied faculties
and universities across the country, suspending classes and transforming
classrooms into permanent assembly spaces. The protests quickly spread
to over 250 cities, towns, and villages, giving rise to a movement that
has brought the rule of law, the functioning of institutions, and the
democratization of Serbian society back to the center of public debate.
The chosen slogan, "Nisi nadlezan" ("It's Not Your Competence"), has
become a symbol of the protests: a direct criticism of President
Aleksandar Vucic, accused of exceeding the constitutional limits of his
mandate.
This article compares the 2024/2025 student movement with previous
protests in Serbia-the 1968 and 1996/1997 protests-to understand how
student mobilizations can effectively "dictate" political change.
The slogan "Nisi nadlezan" and the movement's origins
The motto that gives the movement its title, "Nisi nadlezan"-which in
Serbian literally means "It's Not Your Competence"-was adopted from the
first days of the protests. With this phrase, the students wanted to
send a clear message: President Aleksandar Vucic must respect the limits
of his constitutional role and stop directly interfering in the
functioning of institutions.
The movement's explosion did not occur in a vacuum. For years, Serbian
society had been marked by systemic corruption, a lack of transparency,
and the progressive centralization of political power. However, the
collective outrage was triggered by a tragic and symbolic event: the
collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad train station on November 1, 2024,
which claimed numerous lives. The incident exposed not only the
negligence of the authorities, but also the profound political
responsibilities associated with the management of public works.
Since that event, the students have transformed their grief and anger
into organization. The first assemblies were held within the occupied
faculties, where it was decided to extend the protest nationwide. In
just a few weeks, more than 250 locations-from large urban centers to
small villages-have been swept by marches, demonstrations, and
solidarity initiatives.
The movement's strength also lies in its ability to communicate simply
and directly. "Nisi nadlezan" is more than just a slogan: it summarizes
the rift between citizens and power, and a way of asserting that
politics cannot appropriate every aspect of public life.
Organization and Strategies
From its earliest days, the student movement has distinguished itself
by its horizontal structure and its rejection of any form of centralized
leadership. Key decisions are made in plenums, open assemblies in which
all participants have the right to speak and vote.
To streamline daily operations, several working groups have been
created: communications, logistics, security, media relations, and
fundraising. In this way, the movement manages to coordinate without
sacrificing the principle of horizontality.
Another important feature is the rotation of spokespeople: each day, a
different face appears before journalists, ensuring that no single
leader emerges to be targeted with repression or defamation. This
approach has reinforced the idea that this is not a movement led by
individual figures, but by a determined collective.
Financially, the initiatives are supported through spontaneous donations
and online campaigns, which have allowed them to maintain their
independence from political forces and parties.
Thanks to this organization, the university occupations held out for
weeks, transforming the faculties into open political spaces, places for
debate and self-education. The choice of a horizontal and inclusive
model has made it difficult for the government to isolate leaders,
fragment the movement, or repress it with targeted arrests.
Demands and initial results
From the beginning, the movement formulated a series of concrete
demands, aimed at addressing both those immediately responsible for the
Novi Sad tragedy and the structural issues of Serbian politics.
Among the main demands:
* the publication of all documents related to the reconstruction and
maintenance of the collapsed railway station;
* the identification and punishment of those directly responsible, both
among the builders and public officials;
* the resignation of the ministers and officials involved, with the
assumption of political responsibility;
* an increase in the budget allocated to higher education and research;
* greater transparency of institutions and strict adherence to
constitutional limits by the President.
The protests have also produced concrete results: under pressure from
the protests, Prime Minister Milosh Vucevic and several members of the
government have resigned. A parliamentary inquiry into railway
infrastructure procurement has also been launched.
It should be noted, however, that the movement has not explicitly called
for the removal of President Vucic. Rather, the students insist that he
respect the constitutional limits of his office and not concentrate
powers that do not belong to him.
Historical Precedents: 1968 and 1996/1997
To better understand the significance of the 2024/2025 movement, the
author compares it to two crucial moments in recent Serbian history: the
student protests of 1968 and 1996/1997.
In 1968, in the midst of socialist Yugoslavia, students occupied
universities and took to the streets to protest the economic reform that
accentuated social inequality and the bureaucracy of the system.
Although forcefully repressed, those demonstrations opened a space for
criticism that marked an entire generation.
Between 1996 and 1997, however, young people were at the forefront of
the mobilizations against Slobodan Miloshevic's government, which had
refused to recognize the results of the municipal elections won by the
opposition. For months, Belgrade and other cities were gripped by
demonstrations and occupations: eventually, the regime was forced to
recognize the opposition's victory in several municipalities, marking
the first crack in Miloshevic's authoritarianism.
Compared to these precedents, the current movement takes place in a
different context: today's Serbia is neither a socialist country nor an
open dictatorship, but a formal democracy characterized by a strong
centralization of power, media control, and widespread corruption.
Continuity with the past is seen in the students' ability to transform
the university into a political forum and give voice to broader social
discontent. But there are also significant differences: today's protests
must confront a much more fragmented society and a political class that
has learned to neutralize dissent with partial promises or cosmetic reforms.
Limits, Challenges, and Prospects
The student movement of 2024/2025 has already achieved tangible results,
but it faces decisive challenges.
The choice of a horizontal, leaderless organization is both a strength
and a vulnerability. On the one hand, it makes it difficult for the
government to target arrests or delegitimize a charismatic leader; on
the other, it can hinder the ability to develop a long-term political
strategy.
A real risk is that the authorities will resort to cosmetic reforms,
with symbolic resignations and partial investigations, without truly
addressing the structures of power and corruption. The government's
control over the media also poses an obstacle: the official narrative
often seeks to portray the protests as disorderly or manipulated by the
opposition, thus undermining their legitimacy.
Yet, despite these limitations, the movement has already demonstrated
that civil society in Serbia is capable of setting the political agenda,
forcing those in power to respond to demands that would otherwise have
been ignored. The main lesson is that students, organized collectively
and in solidarity, can become a political actor capable of impacting
public life, just as they did in the past.
The future of the movement remains open. Much will depend on its ability
to maintain lively participation, forge alliances with other social
sectors, and transform the energy of the streets into lasting
institutional change.
*Note about the author
Katarina Beshirevic teaches and conducts research at the Faculty of
Philosophy in Belgrade. She closely follows social movements and youth
struggles in the Balkans, with a particular focus on processes of
grassroots democratization.
Source
Translation from the article by Katarina Beshirevic, ""Nisi nadlezan":
How a Student Movement Dictates Political Change in Serbia (2024/2025),"
Contemporary Southeastern Europe, vol. 12, no. 1, 2025, pp. 30-38. DOI:
10.25364/02.12:2025.1.3.
The author's notes have been omitted from the translation.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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