While the annual ExisTransInter (ETI) march saw widespread mobilization
this year, the final weeks of organization were marred by numerousdisputes, ultimately leading to the exclusion of generalist trade
unions, political organizations, and LGBTI groups from the organizing
framework. The author of this article, who was mandated by UCL in the
inter-organizational process, gives her account of events. ---- On
October 4th, an Instagram post was published jointly by twelve
organizations, its simple and direct title highlighting the critical
situation facing the annual national march defending the rights of trans
and intersex people: "Save ExisTransInter!"
ExisTransInter ended its march at the Place de la Bastille.
UCL Paris North-East
It was revealed that for several years the organization of the march had
been "hijacked by the current Existrans coordination[...]at a time when
unity and cooperation are more necessary than ever." This coordination,
not hesitating to resort to manipulation or even intimidation to achieve
its goals, had managed to impose "the presence and vision of LGBT+,
generalist, union, and political organizations." This had resulted in
excesses where the call to action reduced the demands "to the sole
struggle against the bourgeoisie," while the presence of "whore-phobic"
unions was accepted within the framework of the movement.
Fortunately, the organizations gathered in the rebellion initiated by
the Intersex Activist Committee (CIA) were not going to let themselves
be crushed in this way. And for good reason: on October 12, six days
before the march, a new press release was issued announcing that the
leadership was "regaining collective momentum" by deciding, through a
democratic vote, to prohibit political and union organizations from
speaking and participating in meetings. Thus, the demands of those most
at risk are no longer "diluted," their spaces are "protected," and their
choices are no longer "directed."
The Other Side of the Story
Unfortunately, this Manichean narrative-portraying the struggle of
valiant organizations of those most directly affected against the
political and union machinery seeking to co-opt these struggles for
their own ends-is far removed from the reality on the ground. These
press releases distort the facts, sometimes by omitting certain
inaccurate details, and sometimes by resorting to the most blatant lies.
First, it is false to claim that the ExisTransInter framework has lost
its autonomy from political or union organizations. In fact, these
organizations have never had a vote on decisions. Moreover, their
participation in meetings was limited to organizational matters, and
they had no say in substantive debates. All the demands of this year's
ETI march originated from the trans and LGBTI organizations present
within the framework, and from them alone.
The press release of October 4th claims that these demands are reduced
to the struggle against the bourgeoisie. However, of the seven demands
put forward in the call for this year's march, none explicitly mentions
class struggle. Three concern access to gender transitions, and one
calls for an end to mutilation of intersex people. Ultimately, only the
last three demands are not specific to trans and intersex people: two of
them concern anti-imperialism and the regularization of undocumented
immigrants, and one calls for the decriminalization of sex work.
Strange, for a framework supposedly riddled with "whore-phobic" unions
and organizations... The reason is that to participate in the framework,
one must first signify agreement with a platform that defines a common
political basis, and this platform prohibits participation in
organizations with a state-abolitionist stance. Thus, the only unions
present on the organization's Discord server have an anti-abolitionist
position. Yet another detail that the CIA press release "forgot" to mention.
A veritable coup.
Finally, let's examine the accusation in this same press release that a
number of trans and intersex organizations were excluded from the
framework in an undemocratic manner. Political and trade union
organizations were invited to participate in the organizing video
conferences for the first time after the Covid-19 pandemic, when staff
shortages were acutely felt. Since then, political organizations such as
the Libertarian Communist Union, the New Anticapitalist
Party-L'Anticapitaliste, and Permanent Revolution/Bread and Roses have
provided crucial support to ensure the march could continue, though
their role has remained limited to logistical assistance.
The invitation extended to political, union, and LGBTQ+ organizations to
the planning meetings had been, as required, democratically voted on by
the trans and intersex organizations involved at the time. It was always
possible to challenge this by submitting a vote on the agenda. Such a
vote took place twice during the first months of preparation for the
2025 event, with the announcement made well in advance on the organizing
Discord server. Both times, our participation was reaffirmed.
Finally, on October 7th, exactly eleven days before the march,
representatives from five trans and intersex organizations-some of which
had never participated in organizing the march-joined the meeting to
finalize the details. These newcomers forced a new vote at the beginning
of the meeting regarding our participation in the video conferences,
claiming it was an "emergency situation." The vote took place, three
votes for participation, seven against: we were therefore asked to leave
the video conference immediately. After the meeting, we were informed by
message that we would also be removed from the organizing Discord server.
Of course, the organizations mentioned offered no one to take over the
logistical responsibilities at the last minute, responsibilities notably
handled by UCL. What was bound to happen, happened: from this
unfortunate episode until the day of the march, there were numerous
problems, exhausting the activists responsible for security or the
peaceful march, and sometimes endangering the participants, such as
during the integration of disabled vehicles into the procession without
collective consultation.
If the various trans and intersex organizations involved in the protest
had truly intended to "save" ExisTransInter rather than sabotage it,
they would have proceeded with our exclusion five months earlier, as
they have always been within their rights to do, and not just ten days
before the march. If they were truly targeting mainstream organizations
seeking to co-opt the movement, they wouldn't have needed to resort to
misleading arguments about the democratic functioning of the framework
or our position within it. But then, if that isn't the crux of the
problem, if their arguments are merely a pretext, what are the real
motivations behind these deplorable political maneuvers?
UCL had its own contingent, but was also very involved in logistics
(security and maintaining a peaceful march).
UCL Paris North-East
Ideological disagreements
Let's not be mistaken: these clashes are not due to political
disagreements with forces outside the trans and intersex movements, but
rather to internal ideological differences. The real targets are trans
people who support working together with labor unions and an
intersectional approach to trans struggles, linking them to other
anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and anti-fascist struggles. This
position is shared by trans and LGBTI organizations such as the Trans
Solidarity Organization, Fransgenre, and Les Inverti·es, but also by
those of us who have chosen to get involved not in specific
organizations (or not exclusively), but in general political or labor
organizations.
More and more of us are choosing this approach, firstly because trans
and intersex issues are now better addressed in general within activist
circles, and secondly because we are convinced that these connections
are essential for bringing about the profound societal change we desire.
Refusing to work together, refusing to integrate intersectional issues
into trans and intersex struggles, risks political isolation and ensures
that improvements only benefit some of us-the most privileged. In these
troubled times, we must continue to defend democratic methods and the
diversity of approaches and tactics, rather than resolving our
ideological differences through manipulation and division by designating
a subset of LGBTQI+ activists as adversaries.
The future will tell if ExisTransInter will continue to exist in the
years to come. What is certain is that we, trans activists in favor of
working together, will continue to organize and develop
inter-organizational work. If a handful of associations or collectives
with confused, liberal, or isolationist leanings try to force us out of
the existing frameworks, we will create new ones, in which these violent
and anti-democratic practices will have no place.
Johanna (UCL Antipatriarchy Commission)
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Marche-de-l-ExisTransInter-Des-conflits-politiques-aux-consequences
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