The general strike of October 3rd saw widespread participation from the
school sector, with a national participation rate of 9.05%. This average
is difficult to achieve, given the widespread distribution of schools
across the region and the resulting widespread fragmentation of
workplaces. Livorno was the province with the highest participation rate
in all of Italy, reaching 29.54%, more than triple the national average.
This figure leaves Unicobas Scuola, the only grassroots union active in
the sector at local level for decades, very satisfied. However, it
should be read especially in light of the timing of the strike and the
unique situation created by the mobilization at the port of Livorno,
which generated an extraordinary level of participation, significantly
channeled into the day of October 3rd.
On November 28th, we will be on strike again, certainly in a different
way, but still with a strong connection-unfortunately still necessary-to
the war situation. We must confront widespread poverty in which services
and wages are severely attacked, as highlighted by the Budget Law under
discussion. This is not only because salaried workers are constantly
forced to endure crisis, precariousness, and job blackmail-the essence
of exploitation-but also because we are subjected to a veritable war
economy. The issue is certainly not new, but it has intensified in
recent years with the multiplication of military missions abroad, the
war in Ukraine, and the war in the Middle East. Already in the fall of
2021, grassroots unions unitedly called a strike, one of which was to
oppose military spending and the war. In recent years, the escalation of
war has been accompanied by a financial commitment for which we have all
made and are making the difference. And the already enormous increase in
military spending (+38.5% compared to last year) envisaged in the Budget
currently under discussion will be further increased in the first half
of 2026 with the expenditure for the European Readiness rearmament plan
and the interest on the related debt already planned to support it.
It is against this disastrous backdrop that the November 28 strike
against what is effectively a wartime Budget takes place.
The schools have plenty of reasons to strike. The sectoral agreement
signed a few weeks ago by CISL, UIL, SNALS, Gilda, and Anief actually
covers the three-year period 2022-2024, so it has already expired a year
ago, practically stillborn. The paltry increases will take effect in the
first months of 2026, averaging EUR48 for teachers and EUR35 for ATA
(administrative and technical staff), representing a paltry recovery of
just 6% compared to inflation hovering around 18%. This paltry increase,
in this case, is not only imposed by the wartime economy, but also by
the infamous agreements signed by the concerted unions, which for
several decades have kept increases below the ceiling of projected
inflation, which is light years away from actual inflation.
If this is the ghastly reality of the contract renewal, the Budget Law
plans just as many disasters for schools. The EUR480 million cut in
school buildings further aggravates a situation of structural decay that
sees one in three school buildings substandard, and PNRR funds for
school buildings allocated solely to the creation of digital
environments, disregarding any safety concerns. The staffing
enhancements, assigned to schools a few years ago as a resource to
consolidate project activities, will be used to cover short-term
substitutes, impoverishing the educational offering and reducing the
employment opportunities for many precarious workers. Furthermore, a cut
of 2,000 ATA positions and 6,000 teaching positions is planned, which
will lead to a general increase in workloads and an increase in class
sizes, perpetuating the trend of overcrowded classes and worsening
learning conditions for students. This situation is set to worsen with
the advancement of the four-year secondary school curriculum, which will
result in the loss of a year.
But on November 28th, the school is also striking against the heavy
repressive attack it is undergoing. We know well that the
intensification of the war is matched by an internal war that translates
into greater social control; we know that a war economy imposes
restrictions also through discipline. In recent years, we have seen
these policies implemented by a far-right government that is happy to
churn out security decrees, invent further crimes, create red zones, and
criminalize any dissent. Schools have not been exempt from these
processes: from the disciplinary code for teachers to the conduct grades
for students, to the disciplinary sanctions routinely used by
principals. This trend has intensified in recent months. At the
beginning of the school year, the Lazio Regional School Office
prohibited the discussion of issues related to the international war
scenario, and specifically the Gaza genocide, during faculty meetings.
Of the three bills (Romeo, Scalfarotto, and Gasparri) that equate
anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, Gasparri Bill No. 1627 specifically
targets schools by criminalizing and penalizing any critical approach to
the policies of the State of Israel, even requiring teachers to report
any comments or positions that suggest such behavior. On November 4, the
Ministry blocked the recognition of a training course organized by the
Observatory against the Militarization of Schools and Universities.
Three days later, a ministerial note was sent to all schools, ominously
recommending that they ensure pluralism in addressing political and
social issues with students.
Beyond the general repressive pressure affecting society as a whole, the
government's focus on schools is evident. This sector, along with
universities, has responded massively to the strikes and recent
demonstrations against war, growing militarization, and the genocide in
Gaza. And schools are responding by taking to the streets on November
28th, alongside other sectors, decisively positioning themselves on a
day of general strike that presents very different characteristics from
that of October 3rd. This is complicated by the diversionary strike
launched by the CGIL on a different date, but above all, it presents a
different climate, lacking the strong tension generated by the Flotilla
affair and the particularly brutal phase of the bombing of Gaza, which
had given October 3rd the characteristics of a political and social
strike. On November 28th, the strike returns to a fully union-led
stance, demanding truly improved wages and employment conditions, social
investments, and the fight against poverty and the high cost of living.
This is where the strike's strength in opposition to the war,
rearmament, and the government comes into play.
Patrizia Nesti
https://umanitanova.org/28-novembre-scuola-in-sciopero-ancora-in-piazza-contro-la-finanziaria-di-guerra/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
school sector, with a national participation rate of 9.05%. This average
is difficult to achieve, given the widespread distribution of schools
across the region and the resulting widespread fragmentation of
workplaces. Livorno was the province with the highest participation rate
in all of Italy, reaching 29.54%, more than triple the national average.
This figure leaves Unicobas Scuola, the only grassroots union active in
the sector at local level for decades, very satisfied. However, it
should be read especially in light of the timing of the strike and the
unique situation created by the mobilization at the port of Livorno,
which generated an extraordinary level of participation, significantly
channeled into the day of October 3rd.
On November 28th, we will be on strike again, certainly in a different
way, but still with a strong connection-unfortunately still necessary-to
the war situation. We must confront widespread poverty in which services
and wages are severely attacked, as highlighted by the Budget Law under
discussion. This is not only because salaried workers are constantly
forced to endure crisis, precariousness, and job blackmail-the essence
of exploitation-but also because we are subjected to a veritable war
economy. The issue is certainly not new, but it has intensified in
recent years with the multiplication of military missions abroad, the
war in Ukraine, and the war in the Middle East. Already in the fall of
2021, grassroots unions unitedly called a strike, one of which was to
oppose military spending and the war. In recent years, the escalation of
war has been accompanied by a financial commitment for which we have all
made and are making the difference. And the already enormous increase in
military spending (+38.5% compared to last year) envisaged in the Budget
currently under discussion will be further increased in the first half
of 2026 with the expenditure for the European Readiness rearmament plan
and the interest on the related debt already planned to support it.
It is against this disastrous backdrop that the November 28 strike
against what is effectively a wartime Budget takes place.
The schools have plenty of reasons to strike. The sectoral agreement
signed a few weeks ago by CISL, UIL, SNALS, Gilda, and Anief actually
covers the three-year period 2022-2024, so it has already expired a year
ago, practically stillborn. The paltry increases will take effect in the
first months of 2026, averaging EUR48 for teachers and EUR35 for ATA
(administrative and technical staff), representing a paltry recovery of
just 6% compared to inflation hovering around 18%. This paltry increase,
in this case, is not only imposed by the wartime economy, but also by
the infamous agreements signed by the concerted unions, which for
several decades have kept increases below the ceiling of projected
inflation, which is light years away from actual inflation.
If this is the ghastly reality of the contract renewal, the Budget Law
plans just as many disasters for schools. The EUR480 million cut in
school buildings further aggravates a situation of structural decay that
sees one in three school buildings substandard, and PNRR funds for
school buildings allocated solely to the creation of digital
environments, disregarding any safety concerns. The staffing
enhancements, assigned to schools a few years ago as a resource to
consolidate project activities, will be used to cover short-term
substitutes, impoverishing the educational offering and reducing the
employment opportunities for many precarious workers. Furthermore, a cut
of 2,000 ATA positions and 6,000 teaching positions is planned, which
will lead to a general increase in workloads and an increase in class
sizes, perpetuating the trend of overcrowded classes and worsening
learning conditions for students. This situation is set to worsen with
the advancement of the four-year secondary school curriculum, which will
result in the loss of a year.
But on November 28th, the school is also striking against the heavy
repressive attack it is undergoing. We know well that the
intensification of the war is matched by an internal war that translates
into greater social control; we know that a war economy imposes
restrictions also through discipline. In recent years, we have seen
these policies implemented by a far-right government that is happy to
churn out security decrees, invent further crimes, create red zones, and
criminalize any dissent. Schools have not been exempt from these
processes: from the disciplinary code for teachers to the conduct grades
for students, to the disciplinary sanctions routinely used by
principals. This trend has intensified in recent months. At the
beginning of the school year, the Lazio Regional School Office
prohibited the discussion of issues related to the international war
scenario, and specifically the Gaza genocide, during faculty meetings.
Of the three bills (Romeo, Scalfarotto, and Gasparri) that equate
anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, Gasparri Bill No. 1627 specifically
targets schools by criminalizing and penalizing any critical approach to
the policies of the State of Israel, even requiring teachers to report
any comments or positions that suggest such behavior. On November 4, the
Ministry blocked the recognition of a training course organized by the
Observatory against the Militarization of Schools and Universities.
Three days later, a ministerial note was sent to all schools, ominously
recommending that they ensure pluralism in addressing political and
social issues with students.
Beyond the general repressive pressure affecting society as a whole, the
government's focus on schools is evident. This sector, along with
universities, has responded massively to the strikes and recent
demonstrations against war, growing militarization, and the genocide in
Gaza. And schools are responding by taking to the streets on November
28th, alongside other sectors, decisively positioning themselves on a
day of general strike that presents very different characteristics from
that of October 3rd. This is complicated by the diversionary strike
launched by the CGIL on a different date, but above all, it presents a
different climate, lacking the strong tension generated by the Flotilla
affair and the particularly brutal phase of the bombing of Gaza, which
had given October 3rd the characteristics of a political and social
strike. On November 28th, the strike returns to a fully union-led
stance, demanding truly improved wages and employment conditions, social
investments, and the fight against poverty and the high cost of living.
This is where the strike's strength in opposition to the war,
rearmament, and the government comes into play.
Patrizia Nesti
https://umanitanova.org/28-novembre-scuola-in-sciopero-ancora-in-piazza-contro-la-finanziaria-di-guerra/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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